Saturday, February 5, 2011

Mahathir says Power Corrupts but Mahathir the Most Corrupted with Ghani Patail no Body can Shake Him

Mahathir says Power Corrupts but Mahathir the Most Corrupted with Ghani Patail no Body can Shake Him


Mahathir says Power Corrupts but Mahathir the Most Corrupted with Ghani Patail no Body can Shake Him

Posted: 05 Feb 2011 02:13 PM PST

Yet another Anglo-American-backed dictator is set to fall from grace. The Shah of Iran, Manuel Noriega, Saddam Hussein — they all refused to concede defeat. And they all fell down.

Hosni Mubarak will, too, if he doesn't review his history books. There are, after all, only two-types of Anglo-American dictators: those who accept the endgame and live free to tell the tale, and those who don't.

These men are dominoes — there were many before them and there will be many after them to keep the system going. With all signs pointing to the end, more than one of them has refused to bow down — just once. Instead these men remained in their deluded state of mind, fighting to stay in power — never once remembering who had kept them there for so long.

And each time, the fall was hideously embarrassing.

It was an early-morning raid into the hole in the ground you were hiding in (Saddam Hussein), or an expulsion into exile, passed from country to country (you are a liability, after all) only to be buried abroad instead of at home (the Shah), or a quick pose for a mug-shot of your scarred and subjugated face as you stepped into the prison that would be your legacy (Manuel Noriega).

Though his own father was ousted by the Anglo-Americans, the Shah of Iran didn't seem to understand how serious his predicament was when in early January 1978 several thousand marched against him in the streets of Iran. He still didn't seem to understand when in mid-January 1979, he finally fled. It was only once he was bounced from country to country that he realized how much had been at stake. His story ended in Cairo, where his remains still lay, resting alone in an alien land.

Not long after the Shah was Noriega. The military dictator of Panama never dreamed (though it was in the recent past of history) that the Anglo-Americans would turn on him. They told him to leave — his time was up. He didn't hear them. They waged war and now the only thing most people know about him is his infamous mugshot. He will die in prison, if he has lived at all these last three decades.

And then there was Saddam Hussein. They pulled him out of a hole he was hiding in. The crow-black dye on his hair was faded to a shadow of its former glamor. His famous mustache was indistinguishable from his barbed nest of beard. They hung him in a basement and released the "stolen" cellphone video to prove it. He once waged war on his neighbor for them and this was how they repaid him.

On the brink of total loss, there is only one thing that could possibly save these ultimate dictators from themselves: the people. But nary a bone is tossed to the masses. These madmen could save their lives — or at least their legacies — if they would turn on their bosses instead of their people. Rather than sicking the security forces on the "insolent" public, they could reveal the dirty secrets of how they appeased their foreign bosses all those years. Make the backers look bad.

But they never once have.

Should he somehow manage to realize that he's nothing special, Mubarak has many examples in history to turn to. Will he pull a Pinochet and quietly transfer power, thereby escaping the "ultimate slap"? Will he make like a Batista and flee? Or will he take a cue from Musharraf and negotiate a power-sharing step down that allows him future options at leadership?

If you leave when the US and British governments tell you to, as these three men did, then you will avoid a crude end. And, you'll live your last few decades in opulence — perhaps in a nicely developed country (nothing like the one you left behind in shatters) — thanks to the wealth you accumulated in power.

But Mubarak still hasn't left. And he's made all the same mistakes of his predecessors. He didn't have the sense not to turn on the people. And he was too deluded to flee. If he doesn't make provisions to leave office immediately, his only option will be that ugliest of endings. Either way, the thousands of people in Tahrir Square are already bidding him farewel

When Frank Wisner, the seasoned U.S. diplomat and envoy of President Obama, met with Hosni Mubarak on Tuesday, Feb. 1, the scene must have been familiar to both men. For 30 years, American diplomats would enter one of the lavish palaces in Heliopolis, the neighborhood in Cairo from which Mubarak ruled Egypt. The Egyptian President would receive the American warmly, and the two would begin to talk about American-Egyptian relations and the fate of Middle East peace. Then the American might gently raise the issue of political reform. The President would tense up and snap back, "If I do what you want, the Islamic fundamentalists will seize power." The conversation would return to the latest twist in the peace process.
It is quite likely that a version of this exchange took place on that Tuesday. Mubarak would surely have warned Wisner that without him, Egypt would fall prey to the radicalism of the Muslim Brotherhood, Egypt's Islamist political movement. He has often reminded visitors of the U.S.'s folly in Iran in 1979, when it withdrew support for a staunch ally, the Shah, only to see the regime replaced by a nasty anti-American theocracy. But this time, the U.S. diplomat had a different response to the Egyptian President's arguments. It was time for the transition to begin.(Watch a TIME video on the revolt in Egypt.)
And that was the message Obama delivered to Mubarak when the two spoke on the phone on Feb. 1. "It was a tough conversation," said an Administration official. Senior national-security aides gathered around a speakerphone in the Oval Office to listen to the call. Mubarak made it clear how difficult the uprising had been for him personally; Obama pressed the Egyptian leader to refrain from any violent response to the hundreds of thousands in the streets. But a day later, those streets — which had been remarkably peaceful since the demonstrations began — turned violent. In Cairo, Mubarak supporters, some of them wading into crowds on horseback, began battering protesters.
It was a reminder that the precise course that Egypt's revolution will take over the next few days and weeks cannot be known. The clashes between the groups supporting and opposing the government mark a new phase in the conflict. The regime has many who live off its patronage, and they could fight to keep their power. But the opposition is now energized and empowered. And the world — and the U.S. — has put Mubarak on notice.(Comment on this story.)
Whatever happens in the next few days will not change the central narrative of Egypt's revolution. Historians will note that Jan. 25 marked the start of the end of Mubarak's 30-year reign. And now we'll test the theory that politicians and scholars have long debated. Will a more democratic Egypt become a radical Islamic state? Can democracy work in the Arab world?
Backward, Corrupt, Peaceable
Few thought it ever would come to this. Egypt has long been seen as a society deferential to authority, with a powerful state and a bureaucracy that might have been backward and corrupt but nonetheless kept the peace. "This a country with a remarkable record of political stability," wrote Fouad Ajami in an essay in 1995, pointing out that in the past two centuries, Egypt has been governed by just two regimes, a monarchy set up in 1805 and the Free Officers Movement that came to power in 1952 with Gamal Abdel Nasser. (France, by comparison, has been through a revolution, two empires, five republics and a quasi-fascist dictatorship in much the same period.) In the popular imagination, Egyptians are passive, meekly submitting to religion and hierarchy. But by the end of January the streets of Cairo and Alexandria and other cities were filled with a different people: crowds of energetic, strong-willed men from all walks of life and even some women, all determined to shape their destiny and become masters of their own fate.
What changed? Well, Egyptians were never as docile as their reputation suggested. Egyptian society has spawned much political activism, from Islamic radicals to Marxists to Arab nationalists to liberals. But ever since the late 1950s, the Egyptian regime has cracked down on its civil society, shutting down political parties, closing newspapers, jailing politicians, bribing judges and silencing intellectuals. Over the past three decades Egypt became a place where few serious books were written, universities were monitored, newspapers carefully followed a bland party line and people watched what they said in public. In the past 20 years, the war against Islamic terrorist groups — often genuinely brutal thugs — allowed Mubarak's regime to clamp down even harder on Egyptian society in the name of security.(See pictures of the clashes on the streets of Cairo.)
Reform and Revolution
Egypt has had some successes, and ironically, one of them has helped foment change. Over the past decade, Egypt has been reforming its economy. From the mid-1990s on, Egypt found that in order to get loans from the IMF and the World Bank, it had to dismantle the most inefficient parts of its somewhat socialist economic system. In recent years, Mubarak — persuaded by his son Gamal, a Western-trained banker — appointed a set of energetic reformers to his Cabinet, who embarked on an ambitious effort to restructure the Egyptian economy, lowering taxes and tariffs, eliminating regulations and reducing subsidies. Egypt, long moribund, began growing vigorously. From 2006 to 2008, the economy expanded about 7% a year, and even last year, after the economic crisis, growth came in at almost 6%. Long isolated behind protectionist walls, with media in the regime's grip, Egypt also became more connected with the world through the new communication technologies.(Comment on this story.)
Why would economic progress spur protests? Growth stirs things up, upsets the settled, stagnant order and produces inequalities and uncertainties. It also creates new expectations and demands. Tunisia was not growing as vigorously as Egypt, but there too a corrupt old order had opened up, and the resulting ferment proved too much for the regime to handle. Alexis de Tocqueville once observed that "the most dangerous moment for a bad government is when it begins to reform itself." It is a phenomenon that political scientists have dubbed "a revolution of rising expectations." Dictatorships find it difficult to handle change because the structure of power they have set up cannot respond to the new, dynamic demands coming from their people. So it was in Tunisia; so it was in Egypt. Youth unemployment and food prices might have been the immediate causes, but the underlying trend was a growing, restive population, stirred up by new economic winds, connected to a wider world. (Notice that more-stagnant countries like Syria and North Korea have remained more stable.)(Watch a TIME video on Tunisia's rebellion.)
Mubarak coupled the forward moves in the economy with a series of harsh, backward steps politically. Having allowed somewhat more open parliamentary elections in 2005, the regime reversed course and rigged the elections massively in 2010, reducing the Muslim Brotherhood's representation in parliament from 88 to zero. Ayman Nour, who ran against Mubarak in the presidential election in 2005, was arrested on trumped-up charges, jailed, tortured and finally released in 2009. Mubarak had allowed some freedom of speech and assembly surrounding the 2005 elections, then reversed what little opening there had been. Judges and lawyers who stood up to the regime were persecuted.
On the crucial question of political succession, Mubarak bitterly disappointed many Egyptians, including several in his Cabinet, who believed that 2011 would be the year for a transition to an Egypt without him. (Many of his aides, to be clear, hoped that their patron, Gamal Mubarak, might rise in a controlled political atmosphere. But even they thought the system would have to become far more open.) Last year, Mubarak signaled that he intended to run for a sixth term, despite being 82 and in poor health. It was a sign that whatever progress might take place with the economy, serious political reform was unthinkable.
The Case for Hope
Had Mubarak made the speech promising not to run again last year rather than on Feb. 1, he would have been hailed as a reformer ushering his country into a new era. Today, it seems too little, too late. But his reputation will depend in large part on what sort of regime succeeds him. If Egypt does descend into chaos or become an Iranian-style theocracy, people might look back at Mubarak's regime fondly. Ironically, if Egypt does better and turns into a functioning democracy, his legacy as the dictator who ruled his country before it moved to greater freedom will be more mixed.(See TIME's exclusive pictures of the protests in Cairo.)
Which will it be? Anyone making predictions with confidence is being foolhardy. Egypt is a vast, complex country and is in the midst of unprecedented change. There are certainly troubling signs. When the Pew Research Center surveyed the Arab world last April, it found that Egyptians have views that would strike the modern Western eye as extreme. Pew found that 82% of Egyptians support stoning as a punishment for adultery, 84% favor the death penalty for Muslims who leave the religion, and in the struggle between "modernizers" and "fundamentalists," 59% identify with fundamentalists.
That's enough to make one worry about the rise of an Iranian-style regime. Except that this is not all the Pew surveys show. A 2007 poll found that 90% of Egyptians support freedom of religion, 88% an impartial judiciary and 80% free speech; 75% are opposed to censorship, and, according to the 2010 report, a large majority believes that democracy is preferable to any other kind of government.(See the top 10 autocrats in trouble.)
I remain convinced that fears of an Egyptian theocracy are vastly overblown. Shi'ite Iran is a model for no country — certainly not a Sunni Arab society like Egypt. The nation has seen both Mubarak and Iran's mullahs and wants neither. More likely is the prospect of an "illiberal democracy," in which Egypt becomes a country with reasonably free and fair elections, but the elected majority restricts individual rights and freedoms, curtails civil society and uses the state as its instrument of power. The danger, in other words, is less Iran than Russia.(Comment on this story.)
My hope is that Egypt avoids this path. I cannot tell you in all honesty that it will. But much evidence suggests that democracy in Egypt could work. First, the army, which remains resolutely secular, will thwart any efforts to create a religious political order. The Egyptian army may well fight the efforts of democrats to dismantle some elements of the military dictatorship — since the elites of the armed forces have benefited mightily from that system — but it is powerful and popular enough to be able to draw certain lines. In Egypt, as in Turkey, the army has the opportunity to play a vital role in modernizing the society and checking the excesses of religious politics.
Egyptian civil society is rich and complex and has within it a persistent liberal strain. Since Napoleon's invasion of Egypt in 1798, Egyptians have wanted to catch up with the West. Liberal currents of thought and politics have repeatedly flourished in the country — prominently in the 1880s, the 1920s and the 1950s. Egypt's Fundamental Law of 1882 was an advance over almost all Asian and Middle Eastern constitutions at the time.
Egypt also retains some core elements of a liberal constitutional order, chief among them a judiciary that has fought excessive state power for decades. In a fascinating and timely book published in 2008, Egypt After Mubarak, Bruce Rutherford of Colgate University details the long and persistent struggle of the judiciary to carve out an independent role for itself, even under a military dictatorship. The recent moves toward a more open and market-based economy have also created a new business elite that has some stake in a liberal, constitutional order.(See a brief history of people power.)
It is possible, of course, that the economic reforms will not continue. As in many countries, policies that revoke subsidies and dismantle protected industries provoke public anxiety and spirited opposition from business oligarchs (who often turn out to be those who have been protected). But given that Egypt will need economic growth, it will not be possible to turn back the basic movement toward freer markets. Such policies require better courts and laws, plus efforts to tackle corruption and improve education. And over time, they will create a middle class more independent of the state.
The Appeal, and Limits, of Islam
The real challenge remains the role of Islam, Islamic fundamentalists and the Muslim Brotherhood. Islam has a special appeal in Egypt and the broader Arab world, but it's important to understand why. Secular dictators have ruled these lands for decades and ruthlessly suppressed all political activity. The one place they could not shut down was the mosque, so it became the center of political activism and discourse, and Islam became the language of opposition.
This is not to deny that for many Egyptians, "Islam is the solution," as the Muslim Brotherhood's slogan claims. But the group has an allure in Egyptian society largely because it has been persecuted and banned for decades. Once it has to compete in the marketplace of ideas, it might find that, as in many Muslim countries, people are more worried about issues of governmental competence, corruption and growth than grand ideological statements.
Those issues, close to home, were at the heart of the protests not only in Egypt but also in Tunisia. It has been fascinating to watch as the legendary "Arab street" finally erupted spontaneously and freely. It turned out not to be consumed with the Middle East peace process and the Palestinians. Israelis have reacted to the unrest in Egypt with horror, convinced that any change will mean less security for their country. To an extent this is true. The peace between Egypt and Israel was never between two peoples but between their regimes. Israel might have to ask itself what policies it will have to pursue to create stability with a democratic Egypt. It would hardly be a cure-all, but were Israel to offer a deal that Palestinians accepted, it would surely help persuade Egyptians that Israel does not seek to oppress the Palestinian people.
The challenge for Israel is the challenge for the U.S. The Egyptian public's attitude toward America is poisoned by years of Washington's backing dictators and offering unflinching support for Israel. The U.S. too will have to ask what it will take to have better relations not merely with Egypt's military elite but with its people. And it will have to avoid the overreaction — common in Israel — that brands every move toward social conservatism as one toward jihad. Asking women to wear veils is different from making men wear suicide belts. If the U.S. is opposed to every expression of religiosity, it will find itself unable to understand or work with a new, more democratic Middle East.
The most interesting aspect of the protests in both Tunisia and Egypt has been how small America loomed in the public's imagination. Those on the street were not centrally concerned with the U.S., though Obama became a focus when it was clear that he could help in pushing Mubarak out. In Tunisia, the U.S. played an even smaller role. In a strange sense, this might be the consequence of both George W. Bush's and Obama's approaches in the region. After 9/11, Bush put a harsh spotlight on the problem of Arab dictatorships in a way that made them impossible to ignore. But he discredited his cause with a foreign policy that was deeply unpopular in the Arab world (the Iraq war, support for Israel, etc.). In 2005, Mubarak was able to tar democracy activists by pointing out that they were arguing for an American agenda for Egypt.
Obama, by contrast, pulled back from an overbearing, aggressive American role, which made it possible for Egyptian liberals and democrats to find their voices without being branded as U.S. puppets. (Even recently, the pro-Mubarak crowd warned that "outside forces" were trying to destabilize Egypt, but it didn't work.) In fact, the protests in Egypt, Tunisia, Jordan and elsewhere have resonated with the broader population of the Arab world because they came from within, having grown organically, and were concerned with the conditions of ordinary Arabs.(Comment on this story.)
For five decades the Middle East has been force-fed a political discourse based on grand ideologies. For the Iranian protesters, America was not just a country or even a superpower but the "Great Satan." What is happening in Egypt and Tunisia might be a return to a more normal politics, fueled by the realities of the modern world, rooted in each country's conditions. In this sense, these might be the Middle East's first post-American revolutions.

Since the day the great Tun sacked his deputy, the seed of reform was sowed. The Tun Dr can either be scorned or praised for that defining moment when he made a decision to annihilate his deputy in disgrace.

And so began that arduous battle between DSAI and the Barisan Nasional.

Today, one man stands out battling a whole crew of BN aligned politicians. That in itself is amazing.

While DSAI has successfully reined in the decades old battle weary 'opposition' parties, BN rightly so now aims for that one single target –DSAI.

The billion-dollar question is: Will he survive the onslaught? Will his pact stay the ground, come what may?

Or will BN be hammered into a tight corner, fighting tooth and nail for survival?

The answer lies not within the power corridors of the ruling government. The answer also cannot come from the 'opposition' pact. The answer – fortunately or otherwise, lies in the hearts and minds of the rakyat.

If the rakyat cannot withstand the price that must be paid for reform, then they will have aided the demise of a political hope for many – DSAI.

If the rakyat believed that DSAI is not a hope but a curse, then BN would have killed this man the day after he was unceremoniously sacked and hackled in prison.

But what we are witnessing today is that hard to assimilate fact by several quarters, i.e. that DSAI is making in-roads into the hearts and minds of the rakyat despite the advantage position of the ruling elite.

If this is not true, the BN should test the waters. BN at best can arrest DSAI and all his powered-allies. Incarcerate them in prison. Sell the story to the rakyat about DSAI and his teams' wrong doings.  What will be the eventuality?

Will the rakyat celebrate in a euphoric mood or will there be a sea of street protests as in the likes of Tunisia and Egypt?

If anyone cares for the well being of the humble citizen, this battle must cease. Give the platform back to the citizens to vote their hero –DSAI or BN. And let the winner take the lead to re-build a nation of people who are praying and crying for a happy future.

Former Prime Minister Dr Mahathir Mohamad cast doubt on the ability of the new governments of Tunisia and Egypt to solve the nation's troubles. He didn't believe that its new leaders would do better and blamed government incompetence for the underdevelopment of Muslim countries.

He said, "Should these revolutions succeed there would be new governments. But it is worthwhile to remember that change is not always for the better".

With a hint of irony, he remarked "This is because most leaders upon achieving power would change and would forget the struggles and sacrifices which enabled them to be in power. Power corrupts as we all know".

Mahathir's remarks came as the new Tunisian unity government experienced a shaky start and violence marred the uprising in Egypt.
He said that democracy was no guarantee as elections could be fixed or a series of ineffective governments would be voted in and rejected in turn: "This will cause instability. The country would be no better."

He warned against the electorate being manipulated after a revolution, as "this would be something new to them and they may not be skilled enough in exercising their power to choose."

Then he called on the new leaders not to forget "the people who so courageously rose against the previous governments" and advised them to manage the economy well, create jobs and reduce corruption lest they suffered the same fate of the previous government.

He expressed sadness that there was no developed Muslim country and feared that this was what caused the Muslim world to suffer oppression and discrimination.

He said, "The reason for the oppression of Muslim countries and discrimination against Muslims that we see today is because they are underdeveloped and weak. They are labelled terrorists. They have no capacity to protect themselves.

"When powerful countries give aid, it is not free. They have to toe the line determined by the donors."

He denied that Muslim countries rejected development because it was not important in Islam or that it went against the teachings.

He said, "Does Islam teach us to be weak and poor, to be beggars incapable of defending ourselves? Certainly not. Indeed, what we will be doing is to restore the good image of Islam and counter the propaganda that Islam is the cause of the poverty and incompetence of Muslims."

Mahathir, who ruled Malaysia for 22 years, seemed to reflect nervousness among the other long-serving BN politicians, of which we have several, that the Egyptian uprising would embolden anti-government protests.

Echoing Mahathir's sentiments was Prime minister Najib Abdul Razak who tried to assure Malaysians, that the government put the needs of the people first.

Mahathir and Najib, are Umno politicians in the ruling coalition BN which has ruled Malaysian since independence in 1957.

The uprising in Tunisia and Egypt started after decades of repression and similar riots have been reported in Libya, Algeria and Yemen, inspired perhaps by the Jasmine revolution in Tunisia.

People in the Arab/Muslim world will be emboldened by events in Tunisia and may be more assertive about their grievances. They may also see how far they can push their governments.

Goverments too are anxiously watching for ways and means to pre-empt such troubles, like Jordan's King Abdullah who has sacked his government and asked for a new one to be sworn in to introduce reforms. The other reality is that governments will either crush the protesters or the protests will quickly fizzle out.

Egyptian opposition leader and former chief UN weapons inspector, Mohamed ElBaradei said: "Violence in Tunisia now is a product of decades of repression."

Posted by the headhunter

 



20110206-20110205_Najib_KgBaru_3.mp4

Posted: 05 Feb 2011 12:41 PM PST

Story to follow.
Views: 0
0 ratings
Time: 15:59 More in News & Politics


Najib announces RM20 mil donation to Kg Baru mosque

Posted: 05 Feb 2011 08:38 AM PST

Prime Minister Najib Razak today announced an allocation of RM20 million from the 1Malaysia Development Board to pay for the renovation of the Kampung Baru Mosque. "I am saddened to see skyscrapers grow all around the area, like mushrooms after the rain. "Yet conditions in Kampung Baru are almost like a squatter settlement. It's status is not that of a squatter area, but it is seems like one," said Najib, expressing his concern. As such, the prime minister announced the allocation for the development of what is termed an 'iconic' mosque as the first step to developing the largely Malay area. The Prime Minister said the possibility of changing the status of land to commercial zoning and increase in the plot ratio will contribute towards increasing the value of properties in Kg Baru. Currently the land in Kg Baru is categorise Malay reserve and land use is agriculture.
Views: 24
0 ratings
Time: 32:31 More in News & Politics


Evacuation of Malaysians going on smoothly

Posted: 05 Feb 2011 05:42 AM PST

Prime Minister Najib Razak said today that the evacuation of Malaysians out of Cairo is going on smoothly with the cooperation of Saudi Arabia, Malaysia Airlines, Air Asia and other Malaysian agencies. The evacuees, students, residents, business people and visitors are being airlifted out of Cairo to Jeddah. Najib also revealed that Saudi Prince Turki Abdullah Al-Saud is sponsoring two 747 airplanes for their journey back to Malaysia from Jeddah.
Views: 133
0 ratings
Time: 05:01 More in News & Politics


F.L.O.M. Stands For First Lady Of Malaysia?

Posted: 05 Feb 2011 09:25 AM PST


The wife of Prime Minister of Malaysia, Rosmah Mansor recent 15-days tour to 3 countries .i.e. Oman, Saudi Arabia and Bangladesh is said to have boost bilateral ties and among other things, investments. Some online bloggers have commented that Rosmah seems to have accorded the status and recognition to that of a cabinet minister. She even had a own division with 6 officers and personal assistants under her in the Prime Minister website below, which had since been removed.


So is F.L.O.M Division stands for First Lady Of Malaysia Division?


This posting includes an audio/video/photo media file: Download Now

“The world is on the verge of monumental change”

Posted: 05 Feb 2011 08:38 AM PST

"The Dinar will revalue and to become the new currency for transacting oil. The Chinese Yuan to become the new world reserved currency."

According to the recorded conference call below which I happened to come across today, it seems all currencies in the world will also begin the process of being re-valued starting from Monday, 7 February 2011. "It can happen within a matter of minutes … or it can happen within a matter of hours…. There's nothing to be afraid of … it is an attempt at leveling the global playing field and exchange rates around the world."

China, apparently, is leading the charge. This event precipitated, according to a person known as Contact 2, when China "took away the processing and authority of delivering the global settlements and the prosperity programs from America on Friday night (28 January 2011) because of the Dragons."

This information is brought to you in the spirit of sharing and for you to do your own research to check its veracity.

Click on link to listen to the recorded conference call here.

For more information on the global settlements and prosperity programs, click here, here, here, here, here and here.

For a summary of the conference call, click here.


This posting includes an audio/video/photo media file: Download Now

1Malaysia Hypocrisy

Posted: 05 Feb 2011 08:11 AM PST

It couldn't get more retarded than this.

They think unity can be achieved merely by posing for shots of them tossing yee sang together.

From NST

This is the very height of the 1Malaysia hypocrisy.

Spare us the public relations shots. Good governance and eradicating corruption would impress me more.


Kesah "Special Branch" Mesir Menyiksa Tahanan Di Saksikan Wartawan New York Times

Posted: 05 Feb 2011 05:52 AM PST

NOTA EDITOR: Sewaktu Tulang Besi berada di Mesir dahulu, TUlang Besi ada mendengar kesah beberapa orang pelajar Malaysia ditangkap "Al Mukhabarat"(Special Branch Mesir) kerana mengambil gambar di tempat yang tidak diizinkan.

Khabarnya pelajar-pelajar Malaysia itu cuma duduk di dalam penjara bawah tanah "Special Branch Mesir", namun kesan psikologi kepada mereka cukup serius. Dikhabarkan, pelajar2 yang ditangkap itu terus keluar dari Mesir dalam keadaan ketakutan dan terganngu emosi yang sangat serius. Khabarnya, kesan dari tahanan tersebut, mereka tidak lagi kembali ke Mesir untuk meneruskan pelajaran mereka.

Yang dikesali adalah sikap Kedutaan Malaysia pada masa itu yang buat tidak acuh. Yang menyelamatkan mereka adalah Naib Presiden PMRAM yang sanggup turun ke penjara bawah tanah tersebut merayu-rayu sehingga menangis meminta pelajar-pelajar Malaysia tersebut dilepaskan. Kalau silap cara, Naib Presiden PMRAM pada masa itu pun mungkin ditangkap dan disiksa sama.

Rupanya, 2 orang wartawan New York Times di bawah mendapat "nikmat" menyaksikan sendiri kezaliman penjara bawah tanah milik "Special Branch Mesir". Apa yang didengari dan disaksikan oleh kedua-dua wartawan NY Times ini adalah seperti yang dialami oleh pelajar-pelajar Malaysia tersebut.

Mengikut kawan Mesir Tulang Besi, bilangan agen "Mukhabarat" ini sangat ramai. Dianggarkan, seorang agen SB Mesir bagi setiap bangunan apartmen di Mesir. Sesiapa sahaja boleh ditangkap dan disiksa semata-mata laporan dari agen SB Mesir ini. Tidak perlu ke mahkamah ataupun tidak diizikan khidmat peguam.

Dikhabarkan tahanan2 SB Mesir ini disiksa, dipukul, dibiarkan kebuluran, dirogol, dibunuh dan macam-macam lagi. Begitu hebat "skill" SB Mesir menyiksa manusia, sewaktu selepas 911, Amerika telah menghantar ramai orang yang disyaki pengganas ke Mesir untuk disiksa dan mendapat pengakuan.

Semoga tulisan wartawan2 NYTIMES ini akan membuka mata kuasa-kuasa Besar supaya mempercepatkan kejatuhan Mubarak yang zalim ini.

2 Detained Reporters Saw Secret Police's Methods Firsthand

Andre Pain/European Pressphoto
By SOUAD MEKHENNET and NICHOLAS KULISH
WE had been detained by Egyptian authorities, handed over to the country's dreaded Mukhabarat, the secret police, and interrogated. They left us all night in a cold room, on hard orange plastic stools, under fluorescent lights.
But our discomfort paled in comparison to the dull whacks and the screams of pain by Egyptian people that broke the stillness of the night. In one instance, between the cries of suffering, an officer said in Arabic, "You are talking to journalists? You are talking badly about your country?"
A voice, also in Arabic, answered: "You are committing a sin. You are committing a sin."


We — Souad Mekhennet, Nicholas Kulish and a driver, who is not a journalist and was not involved in the demonstrations — were detained Thursday afternoon while driving into Cairo. We were stopped at a checkpoint and thus began a 24-hour journey through Egyptian detention, ending with — we were told by the soldiers who delivered us there — the secret police. When asked, they declined to identify themselves.


Captivity was terrible. We felt powerless — uncertain about where and how long we would be held. But the worst part had nothing to do with our treatment. It was seeing — and in particular hearing through the walls of this dreadful facility — the abuse of Egyptians at the hands of their own government.


For one day, we were trapped in the brutal maze where Egyptians are lost for months or even years. Our detainment threw into haunting relief the abuses of security services, the police, the secret police and the intelligence service, and explained why they were at the forefront of complaints made by the protesters.
Many journalists shared this experience, and many were kept in worse conditions — some suffering from injuries as well.


According to the Committee to Protect Journalists, over the period we were held there were 30 detentions of journalists, 26 assaults and 8 instances of equipment being seized. We saw a journalist with his head bandaged and others brought in with jackets thrown over their heads as they were led by armed men.


In the morning, we could hear the strained voice of a man with a French accent calling out in English: "Where am I? What is happening to me? Answer me. Answer me."


This prompted us into action — pressing to be released with more urgency, and indeed fear, than before. A plainclothes officer who said his name was Marwan gestured to us. "Come to the door," he said, "and look out."
We saw more than 20 people, Westerners and Egyptians, blindfolded and handcuffed. The room had been empty when we arrived the evening before.
"We could be treating you a lot worse," he said in a flat tone, the facts speaking for themselves. Marwan said Egyptians were being held in the thousands. During the night we heard them being beaten, screaming after every blow.


We were on our way back to Cairo after reporting about the demonstrations from Alexandria for The Times. We were traveling with journalists from the German public television station ZDF, a normal practice in such conditions — safety in numbers.


At the outskirts of Cairo, we were stopped at what looked like a civilian checkpoint.
We had been through many checkpoints without problems, but after the driver opened our trunk a tremendous uproar began. They saw a large black bag with an orange ZDF microphone poking out. In the tense environment, television crews had been attacked and accused of creating anti-Egyptian propaganda. We had been in the middle of a near-riot with the same crew the day before.

The crowd shouted and banged on the car, pulling the doors open. The ZDF crew in the other car managed to drive off, while we were stuck. Instead of dragging us out as we expected, two men pushed their way into the backseat. We were relieved that they were taking us from the crowd, until one pulled out his police identification. Rather than helping us escape, he was now detaining us.

The officer gave the driver directions to an impromptu police station in the Sharabiya district of Cairo, on the roof of a lumber warehouse. The officer in charge there, who identified himself as Ehab, said they were the secret police.
They searched the ZDF bags and found much more than just a camera. "We have a woman with a German passport of Arab origin and an American in a car with camera, satellite equipment and $10,000," he said. "This is very suspicious. I think they need to be checked."

Anxiety turned to anticipation when we were driven to a military base. The military had been the closest thing Egypt had to a guarantor of stability and we thought once we explained who we were and provided documentation we would be allowed to go to our hotel.

In a strange exchange that only made sense later, Ms. Mekhennet asked a soldier, "Where are you taking us?" The soldier answered: "My heart goes out to you. I'm sorry."
After driving to several more bases we were told we were being handed over to the Mukhabarat at their headquarters in Nasr City.
It was sundown when they had us bring everything in from the car. The items were inventoried, from socks and a water bottle to a band of 50 $100 bills. Our cellphones, cameras and computers were confiscated.

We were taken to separate rooms with brown leather padded walls and interrogated individually. Mr. Kulish's interrogator spoke perfect English and joked about the television show "Friends," mentioning that he had lived in Florida and Texas.
The Mukhabarat has had a working relationship with American intelligence, including the C.I.A.'s so-called rendition program of prison transfers. During our questioning, a man nearby was being beaten — the sickening sound somewhere between a thud and a thwack. Between his screams someone yelled in Arabic, "You're a traitor working with foreigners."

Egyptian journalists had a freer hand than many in the region's police states, but the secret police kept a close eye on both journalists and their sources. As the protests became more violent, a campaign of intimidation against journalists and the Egyptians speaking to them became apparent. We appeared to have stumbled into the middle of it.

Ms. Mekhennet asked her interrogator, "Where are we?" The interrogator answered, "You are nowhere."
We were blindfolded and led to the blank room where we would spend the night and into the next afternoon on the orange plastic chairs. The screams from the torture made it nearly impossible to think.
We were not physically abused. Ms. Mekhennet explained that she had been sick and a man appeared with a blood-pressure gauge, but she declined the offer. One officer gave each of us Pepsi and a small package of cookies. It was after 10 o'clock at night, and we had not eaten since breakfast, but the agonizing cries instantly stilled our appetites.

We were told we could go in the morning, and starting at 6 a.m. we asked repeatedly to be released.
Marwan first appeared around 11 a.m. He became visibly annoyed by our requests, complaining that thousands of Egyptians civilians were in detention. He did not appreciate our sense of entitlement.
That was when he opened the door and showed us our handcuffed, blindfolded colleagues from international news outlets. He said that he was exhausted, but would find our cellphones and computers.
About an hour later, we were given back our belongings. Our greatest fear, that the innocent driver would be kept for "processing," did not come to pass.
We left together, with pangs of guilt as we saw our blindfolded, injured colleagues again, and new people led in, past guards with bulletproof vests and assault rifles.
Were we going to a hotel? we asked.
"You don't get to know that," a guard answered.
They put us in our car with orders to put our heads down. "Look down, and don't talk. If you look up you will see something you don't ever want to see."
They left us that way for 10 minutes. The only sounds were of guns being loaded and checked and duct-tape ripping.
An interrogator appeared and asked our driver, "What did you do in Tahrir Square?" He said we weren't there. The interrogator said to the driver, "So you're a traitor to your country."
In Arabic, Ms. Mekhennet, a German citizen with Arab roots, kept telling the questioner that we are journalists for The New York Times. "You came here to make this country look bad," the interrogator said.
We were told we would be driving out in our car, but escorted by a man with an assault rifle. Again, we were told to look down.
Finally, after a while, our escort ordered the driver to stop the car and got out. "You can go now."
The driver began yelling "Alhamdulillah" or "Praise be to God." We looked around and realized we were alone, somewhere in the middle of Cairo, but away from the protests, the normal street traffic slowly moving past.




A Lesson from Tenang, MCLM and Malay Voter's Mindset

Posted: 05 Feb 2011 04:52 AM PST

In a direct response to the PKR recently concluded party elections, the "Third Force" headed by Raja Petra Kamaruddin and Haris Ibrahim formed what we have come to know now as MCLM-"Malaysian Civil Liberties Movement"

You can read their agenda and programs by clicking on the name above.

My only question is, based on the recently concluded Tenang by elections, how does an organization like MCLM can make themselves attractive to the Malay electorate? Can someone like HAris Ibrahim command the respect and support of the Malay voters in a constituency like Tenang?

The Malays are paranoid when it comes to Malay rights. PAS tried to be ambivalent. They adopted a "clean campaign" free from mud slinging and bad mouthing tactics.

Most importantly, PAS decided not to play the "Malay Issue". Whatever issued that was played, it was either related to PAS's candidate's credibility (which is head above shoulders compared to that of UMNO's) or national issue which cuts across the race barrier. No Malay issues was played throughout the campaign.

As for UMNO, in addition to the lies, falsehood and slanders they threw at the PAS candidate and leaders, they went beserk playing the race card. Everything that came out from their mouth is nothing more than the dangers that Malays faced with the DAP coming into power in the form of Pakatan Rakyat.

When the ballots were counted, granted that UMNO only increased their tally by 332 votes (close to 2% of votes casted), they managed to keep the Malay votes they received in 2008 intact.

They lost on the CHinese and a bit on the Indian votes but then again most of the Chinese voters could not come out to vote because of the floods. The rescue boats were the sole use for ferrying UMNO voters.

So, UMNO can boast that they have managed to keep Malay voters from shifting sides. THe effect of tsunami 2008 on the Maly electorate has been mitigated. Now, they can move towards getting the Chinese and Indian votes.

My question to MCLM is that: What contribution can you bring forth in order to gain increase the Malay tally for Pakatan Rakyat (or against BN)?

This topic may point out to whether MCLM is really relevant to the current Malaysian political scenario.

Tulang Besi


My husband has been arrested!

Posted: 04 Feb 2011 09:43 PM PST

At the anti-Mubarak rally in front of the US embassy ... The woman in the middle is distraught that her husband had been detained by the police for participating in the anti-Mubarak demonstration.
Views: 301
0 ratings
Time: 00:39 More in News & Politics


For a woman sex isn’t separate from rest of her life What’s the big deal about virginity

Posted: 05 Feb 2011 12:09 AM PST

Question: I am a 26-year woman and I got married last year. Before my marriage, I had an affair with my sister's brother-in-law. It all started accidentally. There was no attraction between us to start with. However, we have become intimate with each other. This sexual intimacy continued for nearly three years. Then I got married but my husband has not been able to provide the sort of sexual fulfilment that I was getting from my boyfriend. He still keeps on visiting us or I go to his house to have sex on a regular basis. I keep wondering whether I should tell my husband about this affair or else continue with it discretely.
ABC

Answer: Do not lose sight of one unalterable fact. And that is, there is a time and place for everything. If there was more in this affair for you than plain sexual gratification, I am sure you would have sought it out for yourself. Either you didn't, or you did and it did not work out. And if it did not evolve into anything better then, what is the catalyst this time? Get rid of preconceived notions or biases about the sexual act.
There is no reason why your husband cannot be a better lover than he is now, if only you become a more willing participant. And that is only going to start when you stop making odious comparisons. The day your dalliance comes out in the open, in all probability, there is going to be no sexual fulfilment, no boyfriend, no marriage and no husband. Concentrate on your marital relationship.

Noticed that cutie? Look into his eyes for two seconds, look away, then glance back at him through lowered lashes.

Are you sitting in a room full of guys? Turn sideways in your chair, cross your legs, arch your back, and run your fingers through your hair.

Ask that hot guy hanging out at the music store to help you pick out a song.

Have you noticed someone at the party who is totally worth spending the evening with? Then gurl, go up to him with a playful smile and say, "I heard there would be tons of cute guys here. So far, I've only seen one."


Does he have an awesome tattoo? Make him tell you the story behind it.

You have noticed a new hot guy at your gym. Go up to him and let him know how impressed you are with his workout and ask for a few tips.
\

Seven sex secrets women wish their partner knew

A good talk is a great aphrodisiac
Many women find talk a great turn-on. For them, talking and feeling loved are very important. Good conversation during walks or while the couple is relaxing can be a great aphrodisiac. A man could tell his woman how much he loves her, which acts as a reassurance that he is with her mentally during those intimate moments.


Many women are anxious about their looks
For a couple that has been together for long, sometimes it is natural that women may feel that their partner may find them less alluring. Because of this some women undress only under the cover of darkness. Caring men can sense such anxieties. There is no need to lie and say she's gorgeous if she isn't, nor is there a need to say that she is not attractive anymore. One can always appreciate and praise what you do find attractive.

For a woman sex isn't separate from rest of her life
On the other hand, men tend to compartmentalise, feeling that stressful aspects of life can be parked mentally and separated from sexual activity. Women need good feelings and experiences during the day to have satisfying sex. How her lover treats her out of bed, greatly influences her response in bed. Inattentiveness, harsh language, rude tones, hurtful words, and criticism can make it difficult for a woman to get involved, feel enthusiastic and be passionate during sex.
An orgasm is not a necessity
Many men feel that a good lover is one who can bring his woman to climactic sexual culmination. It is great to have such moments, but aren't always essential. Many women feel pressure from partners and even from themselves to reach an orgasm. Sometimes instead of having orgasms, women prefer to engage in just foreplay.

Sex need not be a serious act
Playfulness is a great quality. Many men are far too serious about sex. They forget to laugh, be romantically mischievous, have fun. Playfulness and light-heartedness can make intimate moments enjoyable and relaxing. This takes performance pressure off from both partners.

Women cherish non-sexual touching and tenderness
Women love romance, cuddling, hand-holding and kissing. But many women complain that their men never do this except during foreplay. A woman should make her man realise the joy of touching. As you give him a relaxing massage and stroke his face and hair tenderly, he starts experiencing the joy of this kind of non-sexual touching. Tell your man what makes you feel loved and wanted.
Warm attention after sex is important
A woman's need for tender moments goes beyond the actual lovemaking. Some women complain that men fall asleep immediately after the act. It is true that when a man is having sex, his endorphin level is very high. Almost immediately after ejaculation, he goes through a refractory phase where he loses his erection and all his systems gear down. In females this phase happens gradually. However, if you don't like him falling asleep immediately, tell him without putting him down. Alternatively, let him sleep in your arms for a few minutes and gently wake him up afterwards.

(Dr Rajan B Bhonsle, Consultant in Sexual Medicine and Counsellor)

 



“SPDP Supreme Council Member Quitting..??”

Posted: 04 Feb 2011 10:54 PM PST

Tedewins resignation from PRS seems to have affected many who are at odds with some leaders in the BN coalition. Our insider source tweet to us,"Bro. It seems the next to follow Tedewin will be Peter Gani from SPDP. He is also a Supreme Council member and is considering joining SNAP. Looks like the Dynamo theory is gaining momentum"

Peter Gani is part of the team of 5 YBs and 3 Supreme Council who were very unhappy with President Mawan who according to them has turned back on the original party status quo. Mawan has steadfastly stood by his decision and many poiltical analysts has only words of praise and truly feels Mawan is a leader to be reckoned with a far sighted vision which augurs well for SPDP and BN.

He not only is not afraid to stand by his decision but he feels that the majority needs not be shaken and bowing to the demands of a few and being dragged in to create unpleasantness will jeorpadise the good work of many who has built the party which is truly multi racial not only in spirit but also in numbers.  

Calls from many SPDP supporters to audie61,"We wish Peter Gani all the bests in his new political vehicle. Thanks for the time spent with us in SPDP" 

WHO WILL BE NEXT…??



Don't worry. Everything OKAY!

Posted: 04 Feb 2011 08:07 PM PST


The Star today has lots of stories of how Malaysian students have been evacuated from Cairo in the face of all the protests and violence in the Egyptian capital.

Evacuation of Malaysians from strife-torn country proceeds smoothly.

Students home safely at last.

Malaysians to be out by Monday

Don't politicize evacuation delay says Muhyiddin.

And so, in Bolehland our government wants you to believe that everything is A-Ok!

Okay, now sit down, take a deep breath and read this account of one Malaysian family's experience with Malaysian efficiency in a crisis situation...


FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 4, 2011


Stuck in Cairo, with NO help from the M'sian govt
OK, so my bro and his wife and 3 kids went to Cairo last week for a long-awaited holiday. They had a great time the first few days. Then, on Friday 28th Jan, the whole city 'blew' up. Their Egyptian guide (a Coptic Christian), and the Egyptian hotel staff were incredibly helpful to all of them. Their guide, who had taken them out sight-seeing that morning, KNEW that the situation was going to blow up after the Friday noon prayers, so he made sure he had them back at the hotel by then. The staff at the hotel kept the hotel doors locked, and made sure all their guests were safe.


THEN the "fun" started. No internet (since the Egyptian govt took the whole country off the internet), so my bro tried to call the embassy to find out what was happening - three days of calling, and the phone never got picked up! Very helpful... NOT!!! When they eventually managed to get through on Monday, they asked what the situation at the airport was like, as they were supposed to fly out on Monday night, at 00:15 hours (ie, early Tuesday 1st Feb morning). So, guess what the so-called situation room tells them? "Don't know. When you get to the airport and find out the situation, you call us."... !!!! I mean..... WHAT? What can anyone say to such idiocy? So, as you can see, the situation room had ZERO handle on the situation!


Their wonderful EGYPTIAN guide made sure he picked them up early on Monday and took them to the airport - it should have been just a 1 hour journey, but took far longer than that due to the riots and the craziness! They get to the airport and the guide stays with them, to help them try and get checked into their flights, etc. And the airport was an absolute mad-house. ALL Egypt Air flights were cancelled - and, unfortunately, it meant that their M'sian airlines flight, code share with Egypt Air, was also cancelled!! My bro kept trying to call the Embassy, and the phone was either NEVER picked up, or was engaged. OK, so, forget any possible help from that side. Totally, absolutely, USELESS!! Mind you, all other airlines, apart from EgyptAir, were still flying though with major re-scheduling, and the governments of other countries (US, UK, India, China, Japan, NZ, the Arab countries, EVEN CROATIA) were sending in planes to get their people out of Cairo. But, as of yesterday, no news from our "action-oriented, on the ball" govt about sending in planes to get OUR citizens out of the country! And TODAY they start sending planes? TODAY? What the hell took them so long? Question about LANDING RIGHTS? Hello, how come the OTHER countries did not have that problem? Only Malaysia?????


Embassy personnel from other countries, with jackets emblazoned with their country names, were going round and round the airport, trying to find their citizens... they even approached my bro and his family to see if they needed help..... and where were the so-called "People First, Performance Now" M'sian embassy personnel???? NOWHERE TO BE FOUND!! Not hide, nor hair.


Malaysian students, including lone female students, with no money, no food, no tickets, no nothing, stuck in the airport, not knowing what to do!! At least my bro and his family had the means (and the credit card availability) to get themselves on another flight (Emirates, to Dubai) out of Egypt late on Monday night/Tuesday morning... but what about those who had nothing? Where were our "caring" Embassy personnel? NOWHERE IN SIGHT! Not hide, not hair.


Oh, side story... when my bro called to tell me that their flight out of Cairo was cancelled, I called MAS here in KL, and they tell me the flight is leaving as scheduled!! Obviously news of the rioting, and the Egypt Air flight cancellation did not seep into MAS consciousness!! And they obviously never watched the news! When I told them that my brother and his family are IN CAIRO, and have been TOLD FIRST HAND that the flight is cancelled, the staff here are still insisting that the flight is leaving as scheduled. I mean, don't get me wrong - I absolutely LOVE MAS flight crew - but, MAN, their ground staff and procedures leave a LOT to be desired!


I am saddened, and horribly embarrassed, by the shoddy show put up by our govt and our embassy personnel in Cairo. I am so ashamed at this time to be called a Malaysian. I am also deeply grateful to the people in EGYPT, the EGYPTIANS, who helped my brother and his family so much, and deeply thankful that they made it home safe on Wednesday morning after 2 days stuck in Cairo airport and Dubai airport. My prayers go to all those who went through so much fear and shock, with no help from our govt, in Cairo, and I just hope and pray that they will ALL get home safe, with or without govt help.


Niamah!!!




When Rulers were bastards and gay!

Posted: 04 Feb 2011 09:35 PM PST

When Rulers were bastards and gay


Thursday, 03 February 2011 Super Admin

With all this going on how could they allow the people to talk? And with 1,000 servants and courtiers hanging around the palace how does one prevent people from talking? So they had this thing called sedition laws so that anyone who talked could be punished.

NO HOLDS BARRED

Raja Petra Kamarudin

The PKR Sri Muda state assemblyman, Shuhaimi Shafiei, is to be charged for sedition this Monday. At least 20 police reports have been lodged against Shuhaimi because of his blog posting while Perkasa and the pro-Umno people have demanded that he be hanged for inciting war on the Malay rulers.

To understand Malaysia's Sedition Act you have to go back 1,000 years to the days when they did not want the people to whisper or talk bad about the Rulers. And to do this you have to read a bit of English history. Malaysia's judicial system and laws are, after all, moulded after the British system and British laws.

Malaysia's history books start from 1946, the year that Umno was born. Before that Malaysia had no history, or at least a distorted version of history -- like Malay warriors born in China being sent to Malaya's shores as bodyguards for a Chinese princess who married a Malay Sultan and allegedly defended Malay rights by saying that Malays would never disappear from the face of the earth (a debate currently raging in Malaysia's blogosphere).

Anyway, English history starts from 1066, and not 1946, at least when I read English history in the Alice Smith School in standard one. Before 1066 it does not count because Britain did not officially exist yet. What existed were Argyle and the Highlands where the Scottish barbarians lived, and Sussex where the West Saxons lived, and Northumbria and Cumbria and York and Carlisle and so on, where the Norsemen or Vikings lived.

Britain, at best, was a collection of many barbarian tribes and not yet a nation as such. It was not until 1066 that Britain became a nation and the many regions became united under one King. 1066, therefore, was significant to English history in that England finally saw order -- or more like organised chaos if you can regard rape, pillaging and plundering as order.

1066 was the year that William sailed to England with his great army. Contrary to what many believe, William, who conquered England and became known as William the Conqueror, was not even a King. He was the Duke of Normandy, a region that was a vassal of the King of France. And before he became known as William the Conqueror in 1066, he was known as William the Bastard.

Yes, that's right, William was a bastard son of the Duke of Normandy. But how can they allow the Saxons he displaced from the throne in London (Lundene on the Temes river) spread the rumour that he is not of royal blood but of low birth -- and a bastard on top of that. So they passed a law that made it a crime to speak bad about the King -- and William the Bastard became William the Conqueror from thereon and no one dared correct this historical fact lest they get charged for sedition and lose their head in the process.

All through English history many bastard children succeeded the throne of England. There was also the added problem of many of the Kings and Princesses being gay, or at least bisexual. In fact, one King of England was even having a gay relationship with the King of France (any wonder they were expert sword fighters?). And though the Kings never visited their Queen's bedchamber (they never slept in the same room and always slept in separate rooms) since their honeymoon, the Queen still managed to get pregnant and it was suspected that it was the Queen's young, handsome advisers who were the real fathers of those children.

We must understand that marriage in those days was not for sex or out of love. It was to seal political alliances. If you married the sister or daughter of the King of another country then that country would not attack your country because you were now related -- either brother-in-law or son-in-law. So, after marrying your Queen, you locked her away and spent your time chasing other women -- or other men as the case may be.

The most notable 'bastard' Ruler of England was probably Elizabeth I, the daughter of Henry VIII from his second wife, Anne Boleyn. The church did not recognise Elizabeth because divorce was not allowed so Henry broke away from the church and formed his own church to legitimise his divorce from the Queen and his marriage to Anne (but Rome still regarded her as a bastard).

Because of this they wanted Mary, Henry's granddaughter, to inherit the throne. But since she was Catholic (and French), and Catholics were put to death if they confessed to being Catholics, Elizabeth got the throne instead. Mary was later executed for her crime against God -- for being a Catholic. Mary was of course known as Mary Queen of Scots but it was the Scots who betrayed her and handed her to Elizabeth to be jailed for many years before she was executed. (The Scots have been betraying their Rulers since time immemorial).

Against this backdrop (and much more I have not mentioned) how can they allow people to talk? Kings, Queens and members of the Royal Family were bonking away and breeding like rabbits outside of marriage. Many preferred sex partners of their own gender or many partners at the same time in orgies where the gender of the sex partners were of little concern as long as they were bonkable.

To solve the succession problem, rightful heirs to the throne mysteriously died in their sleep so that those not eligible to succeed the throne could then take the throne. Courtiers got ahead and received titles, position and land at the pleasure of the King. And the King's pleasure would be guaranteed if your wife got sent to the King's bedchamber for the night where she would whisper in the King's ear in between bonking sessions: what happened to my husband's request…etc, etc.

With all this going on how could they allow the people to talk? And with 1,000 servants and courtiers hanging around the palace how does one prevent people from talking? So they had this thing called sedition laws so that anyone who talked could be punished.

And on 1st January 2010, Britain abolished the Sedition Act -- not because people no longer talked about their Monarchy or that the Monarchs of today are better behaved, but because with the Internet you can no longer catch those who talk anyway.

But Malaysia still has the Sedition Act, an old British law, and those who talk about the Monarchs (or even about the Deputy Prime Minister's wife) will still be punished -- like they did in England 1,000 years go. And, this Monday, PKR Sri Muda state assemblyman, Shuhaimi Shafiei, is to be charged for sedition for allegedly insulting the Sultan of Selangor.

How we have progressed since the days of William the Bastard a.k.a. William the Conqueror of 1066.


Dr Mahathir's View, Dr Dzul's View. But What Do Most Malays See?

Posted: 04 Feb 2011 09:26 PM PST

Why do I get the feeling that more and more people just want Dr Mahathir to shut up? More often than not, he now sounds like a small kid throwing tantrums but he is actually a senile, cantankerous old man bent on seeking lost glory. We seem to be getting a peek into what will be considered his legacy in the ensuing pages of history...it does not look as good as he may want it. Are his patients or is it patience that is running thin?

Please read:

Mahathir's intriguing rhetoric of Malaysia-belongs-to-Malays

FEBRUARY 5, 2011 by Dr. Dzul
* Dr Dzulkefly Ahmad is a member of Pakatan Rakyat's secretariat and MP for Kuala Selangor. * The views expressed here are the personal opinion of the columnist first posted in The Malaysianinsiders.

*************************************************************************

FEB 4 — You have asked me to write on a difficult subject and answer a thorny question especially coming close to a general election and after the defeat in Tenang.

It's alright with Tun Mahathir and for that matter even with PM Najib.They could say the darnest things and yet could later turn and twist to escape unscratched and invariably scot-free. Not with us, lesser mortals, we will be criminalised especially by none other than people like you, the media.

I will say my piece, nonetheless, without fear or favour again. This is the most dangerous part of it. On the back of a perceived dwindling of the Malay support, my audacious attempt at taking the bull-by-the-horn type of response might not concur well with conventional Malay wisdom in politics.

Being very objective, as I usually do, I've no qualm to again concur with anyone, that this nation, originally, has a lot more to do with Malays more than Indians or Chinese.

Since time immemorial, Western chroniclers have described this part of the world as Malay Archipelago while the Greek geographers, dated a lot earlier, described the Peninsular Malaya as the Golden Chersonese as gold is found here to this day.

That is as much as I would like to talk about the "Malayness" of this beloved country of ours at this critical juncture of our much embattled nation. Going beyond, which I very well could do, will embroil me in an unending claims and counter-claim, a debate I don't wish to be part of.

But the most paradoxical thing about this debate is "Why Mahathir is insisting on this dialectic or divide, when he should be openly supporting Najib, ostensibly his protégé, on his 1-Malaysia rhetoric".

This is the crux of the matter, the bone of contention and the climax of hypocrisy of the living Umno elites namely the combination of Najib and Mahathir!

Frankly, this is their drama or soap-opera in securing power and putting the Pakatan at bay. It's a double-game of sort, a double-speak in its highest order. It is simply a case of downright greed – wanting to eat the cake and keeping it. It might have worked before, during lesser enlightened time of the Old Politics, but no longer now under the rubric of the New Politics!

Mahathir's rhetoric that this country belongs to the Malays ie others are less-than-equal as Malays are more-equal-than others, ensures Umno will endear and entrench further the 'gullible' Malay support.

Meanwhile Najib's 1-Malaysia is meant to hoodwink the 'gullible' Chinese and Indians (of MCA-Gerakan and MIC members and well-wishers respectively) into believing that they are equally Malaysians, as this country also belongs to them, apparently oblivious of the fact that are relegated as 'second-class' in the strictest sense of Mahathir's worldview.

What a farce and a hypocrisy!

Be that as it may, PAS/Pakatan is not into such game and publicity stunt.

I for one, would like to believe that the issue of the special position of Malays and the (natives) bumiputera of the states of Sabah and Sarawak, must be read together with equal emphasis, with the legitimate interests of other communities ias enshrined in the Article 153 of the Federal Constitution.

That's perhaps the greatest safeguard for all! Pakatan and PAS have no problem with that at all. In all conviction, this has become one of our 'cardinal' pillars of our Common Policy Framework (CPF). That's the greatest security to Malays while simultaneously upholding the legitimate rights of all races.

Malays must not succumb into Umno's machination that Pakatan would forsake their special position for fear of the DAP and the other ethnic groups. Umno is evidently preying on Malays' fear.

Yes, we are also unlike Umno in the BN, acting as Tuan and Boss to others and at whims and fancy, dispensing orders for others to toe their line. On the contrary Pakatan's CPF, achieved through consensus, upholds the cardinal articles of 153, 152 and article 3, without much qualms and misgivings by all our partners. Being a member of the Secretariat, I say it again in full conviction and earnestness. I see the undivided commitment and relentless effort by all.

Back to the argument, it is all the better, as it's the ordained role of the Constitutional Monarch, who must see to that all these communities be accorded their special position and interest, as it is the responsibility of the yang DiPertuan Agong as enshrined in the article 153 of the FC.

It is my conviction that only in a government that is committed to a fair play, that encourages the true spirit and practice of Equality, that respect affirmative actions where it is deemed necessary on a needs-basis (and not abusing it), that is foremost in enhancing true entrepreneurship and competitiveness and debunks all forms of race-base politics and religious bigotry, will we actually see the uplifting and realising of the bigger agenda of genuine reform and nation rebuilding in a complex plural society like ours.

It is ingrained in the rhetoric of Mahathir's Malaysia-belongs-to-Malays that has in fact encouraged the racial slurs of politicians and a few Umno-inclined bureaucrats alike. It is this 'supremacy (Ketuanan) worldview' that continues to disable Najib's 1-Malaysia and triggers its penchant for flip-flopping, hence making it sounds shallow and hollow while stifling genuine reform and change in this nation.

The rakyat must be single-minded on debunking hypocrisy and in not allowing unscrupulous double-speaking and self-serving politicians, both past and present, from both divides, to further divide us in any divisive diabolical design of race-based politics, religious bigotry, rampant cronyism and endemic corruption and wasteful extravaganza that we could ill-afford.

Isn't Mahathir-Najib's Umno creating the very thing they purport to fear? That is creating 'divisive' plans and sustaining power through well contrived divisive strategies. Isn't that the accusation of Mahathir and Najib towards Tok Guru Nik Aziz and Anwar of dividing the Malays?

What has changed in 1 Malaysia, fellow Malaysians?


A poem about BABI everyone must read!

Posted: 04 Feb 2011 07:48 PM PST

For you idiots out there who still support this man..just take a moment to study this facial expression!!


(I took the liberty in reproducing this poem, sent as a comment on my blogsite by some one named Pak Hak, which is very telling about a very bdangerous politician consumed by his obsession to destroy the system and a country called Malaysia)

------------------------------------------------------------------------------

God Sent Anwar Ibrahim To Malaysia
(Anwar Ibrahim – Anugerah Tuhan Kepada Malaysia)

By Pak Hak

At this juncture of our beloved country's history,
God tested our people with His creature called Anwar bin Ibrahim,
He causes havoc and animosity in this once peace-loving country,
Just because all he dream about day and night is power and fame .

He's a chameleon whose ends justify the means.
So he changes colour so often at his whims and fancy,
He would not blink an eye to cheat or to lie,
To him power and glory is his life's aim and philosophy.

Using people to meet his aspiration is another of his trait,
So friends and supporters of Anwar Ibrahim beware,
'Cause when he finds your "sell-by date" is long expired,
He won't hesitate to toss you away like some old underwear!

He spent seventeen long years in the government,
From Minister of Youth, Education to Finance and PM's Deputy,
Ask any Malaysian if they can remember what he did or achieve,
The answer is blank as he spent most office time plotting against his adversary.

His academic qualification is only a degree in Malay Studies,
But then he was made in charge of the economy,
So he swallowed IMF prescription lock stock and barrel,
Raised interest rate, shorten NPL and almost bankrupt the country.

You will be mesmerized when you hear his speech,
He's gifted with great skill in public speaking and oratory,
In the class of Sukarno, Chairman Mao, Hitler and Mussolini,
The masses will listen to them and even forgot they are hungry!

Friends, countrymen this man can only talk but cannot work,
Al l he does is fire your emotion with hatred, finger-pointing and accusation,
Our beloved land of Malaysia is too precious to be made a pawn,
Can we trust this man to lead the nation and the future of our children?

[Anda semua diberi izin untuk menciplak atau mencitakrompak puisi ini]

February 03, 2011 4:21 PM

Delete


Egypt Solidarity Rally In KL

Posted: 04 Feb 2011 06:30 PM PST

A bunch of Malaysians held a solidarity rally outside the US embassy today and also demanded that Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak do as most of Egypt says: resign.

As with all public rallies and protests in Malaysia, a police helicopter hovered inconspicuously over the rally participants.

But the helicopter was the mildest thing there. The despotic BN regime, wishing to quell any form of democracy, sent in the heavily armed FRU complete with batons, shields and tear gas rifles.

The whole shebang.

It didn't intimidate the rally though. Apparently there was the obligatory memo to hand over to Washington to tell Mubarak to quit immediately, which they did.

"The Egyptian people deserve a regime change. Egyptians deserve their freedom, the right to self-determination and the right to build their own future."

So do Malaysians, actually.

True to Malaysian form, it was a peaceful protest. But for good measure, the riot squad sprayed their Chinese New Year blessings of chemical-laced water from the water cannon on the rally participants just as the crowd was breaking up.

The Star, being the political slave that it is, had to claim, of course, that the seven men were arrested for unruly behaviour - apparently they had thrown bottles and hard objects.


What lies. Eye-witnesses like PSM's Arul have reiterated that the police violence was unnecessary. "The people were going home after a peaceful rally when police fired the water cannon."

I also wonder what The Star is trying to imply with the "bottles" comment. It has not escaped my notice that there are very few bottles in Malaysia. Soft drinks come in cans and plastic bottles these days.

Only liquor tends to come in bottles. Is The Star trying to imply that the PAS-organised rally was full of drunkards? Is The Star stooping so low by attempting to tarnish the conservative Muslim image?

"TAKE BEER" (a mockery of "takbir") is such a UMNO-BN trademark.

Oh yes. Malaysians deserve a regime change and everything else the Egyptians deserve.


No comments: