- Percubaan NAsruddin Tantawi Mempertahan Kezaliman Dilibas
- Jadilah pemimpin kepada negara yang berdaulat
- Arabs Are Full Of Hotair
- RECYCLE Deja vu in sodomy charge ROSMA IF YOU HAVE GONE THRU WHAT ANWAR WENT THRU YOU WILL BE SELLING YOUR ASSHOLE WHOLESELL
- Who is willing to risk a jail term for Anwar?
- PKR to lodge police report against utusan
- MPs,YBs… BN or Pakatan “Watch This”
- Kerajaan Negeri-Negeri berdaulat-2
- SAIFUL WAS AT CONDO AS PER CCTV FOOTAGE
- At the alleged crime scene
- Police claim shots fired in self-defence
- 5 Cara Dapatkan Info Terkini Kes Fitnah 2 Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim
- HOMEGROWN RADICALS Complacency is not an option
- Sodomy II, Day 2 conclusion - Saiful and Sukma consistent- Anwar is domineering
- ZAHID HAMIDI - MILITARY SECRETS LEAKED TO A FOREIGN EMBASSY
- ELECTION FEVER IN THE AIR AT SARAWAK
- The Trial: The Sequel
- Zul: Anwar should've been neutral on Allah issue
- Sodomy Conspiracy Number Two - By R Sivarasa.
Posted: 04 Feb 2010 02:09 PM PST
NOTA EDITOR: Acap kali bila sudah tersepit dan terdedah pekung, puak-puak "TARBIYYAH" ini akan menggunakan alasan2 seperti "wala","thiqah"ukhuwah" dan sebagainya. Ini semua adalah konsep2 yang diajar melalui buku2 Ikhwan Muslimin. Yang menghairankan saya palajar2 kita di Mesir TIDAK DITARBIYYAH oleh Ikhwan Muslimin. JEmaah Ikhwan Muslimin di rantau Asia Tenggara adalah Parti Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) di Indonesia. Konsep2 ini telah di"hijack" oleh beberapa kerat pimpinan Terengganu bagi membawa ahli-ahli PAS untuk memberi ketaatan membuta tuli kepada mereka. Ertinya kalimah2 ini di "hijack" untuk menyebarkan kesyirikan dalam PAS.
Kalau Nasruddin Tantawi seorang yang iltizam dengan Islam yang syumul, seharusnya beliau menulis artikel yang mempertahankan orang yang dizalimi i.e. Khalid Samad. Namun, Nasruddin Tantawi mahu menambah kezaliman itu dengan mengambil tindakan kepada Abdullah Karim.
Nasihat saya kepada Akhi Nasruddin Tantawi adalah "TUBU ILLAH TAUBATAN NASUHA". Hentikan kezaliman kau, kelak kamu akan disambar api neraka.
Rabu, Februari 03, 2010
Gerakan Islam, Parti Politik, Apa Tu?
Berbanyak maaf saya pohon kepada sahabat dan rakan karib saya, Ust Nasruddin Hassan kerana kiriman ini sekali lagi akan menyentuh mengenai 'fikrah'nya.
Saya bukan ingin menyanggahinya secara membuta-buta tuli apatah lagi membabi-buta, tetapi saya sekadar ingin menghadamkan kefahaman saya sendiri berhubung dengan apa yang ditulisnya di dalam blognya.
Rujuk tulisannya berjudul 'Jangan rosakkan jamaah' – di sini.
Ada beberapa para di dalam tulisannya yang saya sukar hadami. Antaranya para bil 2 dan 6:
2. Justeru itu , Jamaah ini [ PAS ] mesti dibaca dan dihayati sebagai sebuah Gerakan Islam bukan sebuah parti politik semata - mata . Meskipun ia menyertai pilihanraya dan menerima sistem demokrasi yang tidak bercanggahan dengan syariat , namun ia hanya sebahagian dari tugas besar dan utama sebagai sebuah Gerakan Islam.
6. Menjenamakan PAS sebagai sebuah parti politik bukan lagi sebagai sebuah Gerakan Islam , sebenarnya merupakan satu episod untuk memudahkan usaha segelintir pihak yang kini sedang bekerja keras mahu mengikis penghayatan terhadap prinsip wala' , thiqah , ukhuwwah , dengar dan taat kepada arahan jamaah di dalam PAS .
Mengapa PAS perlu jadi dua dalam satu iaitu gerakan Islam dan parti politik? Kalau PAS jadi parti politik semata-mata, PAS bukan gerakan Islam. Kalau PAS adalah gerakan Islam, PAS tidak boleh menumpukan kerja-kerja parti politik semata-mata?
Kerja gerakan Islam ialah kerja tarbiah, perkaderan, amal tarbawi, elemen-elemen spiritual sementara kerja-kerja pilihanraya pula adalah kerja parti politik. PAS perlu jadi parti politik dan gerakan Islam sebab PAS melakukan kedua-duanya sekali. Macam mana?
Perlukah perjuangan PAS dijuzuk-juzukkan? Ini perjuangan PAS sebagai gerakan Islam dan ini pula perjuangan PAS sebagai parti politik. Di masjid PAS jadi gerakan Islam, di kotak undi PAS jadi parti politik.
Adakah gerakan Islam tidak boleh buat kerja politik dan parti politik tidak boleh buat kerja gerakan Islam? Sebab itu PAS perlu jadi kedua-duanya sekali, gerakan Islam dan parti politik untuk membolehkannya membuat kedua-dua kerja.
Tugas utama gerakan Islam ialah menyertai gerakan politik demokrasi. Tugas utama PAS sebagai parti politik pula apa dia?
Menjenamakan PAS sebagai sebuah parti politik itu bagaimana pula? Adakah parti politik perlu menjadi gerakan Islam untuk melaksanakan kerja-kerja tarbiah? Dan, adakah pula gerakan Islam perlu melakukan kerja-kerja politik untuk menjadi parti politik?
Maafkan saya sebab saya keliru dengan fikrah tersebut.
Saya tidak pasti, 'dualisme' ini, PAS sebagai gerakan Islam dan parti politik adalah cedokan daripada fikrah mana, dalam keadaan saya tidaklah 'bangang' sangat dengan buku-buku tokoh Ikhwan walau pun tidak semuanya saya telaah.
Saya fikir kita perlu hentikan kekeliruan ini. Mungkin ada disebutkan dalam buku-buku tokoh Ikhwan bahawa gerakan Islam bukan gerakan politik, tetapi itu untuk realiti Ikhwan di Mesir ketika Ikhwan belum menyertai pilihanraya.
Fikrah sebegitu adalah relevan untuk tempat, masa dan realiti itu. Realiti PAS kini bukan realiti Ikhwan pada tahun 1970 an.
PAS bukan bergerak di Mesir tetapi di Malaysia dan PAS tidak pernah berhadapan dengan realiti yang dihadapi Ikhwan di Mesir. Tidak pernah PAS tidak masuk pilihanraya. Malaysia bukan Mesir.
Hanya kebelakangan ini sahaja Ikhwan Mesir menyertai pilihanraya. Sebelumnya tidak. Sistem perkaderan Ikhwan, tarbiahnya, keahliannya adalah jauh berbeza dengan PAS. Apa yang Ikhwan buat adalah betul untuk realiti yang dihadapinya.
Tetapi, PAS bukan Ikhwan.
Kini PAS adalah parti terbuka, berbilang bangsa bahkan akan menjadi parti berbilang agama sekiranya wujud Dewan Penyokong PAS. Ketika itu bentuk PAS sebagai gerakan Islam pula bagaimana?
Saya katakan, mari kita mempermudahkan urusan. Kita kata sahaja begini, PAS adalah parti Islam. Full stop. Saya ulang, PAS ADALAH PARTI ISLAM.
Usah dikelirukan dengan sekejap gerakan Islam, sekejap parti politik. Ini kerja gerakan Islam, ini kerja parti politik. PAS adalah gerakan Islam dan parti politik, perlu kedua-dua sekali.
Tak boleh jadi parti politik saja, kena jadi gerakan Islam sama. Tak boleh jadi gerakan Islam saja, kena jadi parti politik sama sebab nak masuk pilihanraya. Aduh…letihlah begitu.
PAS ADALAH PARTI ISLAM. FULL STOP.
Kita boleh buat semua kerja sebab PAS adalah parti Islam. Nama pun Parti Islam Semalaysia.
Kerja politik, dakwah, tarbiah, panjat pokok, gantung poster, kacau bubur, ceramah, usrah, qiamullail, qunut nazilah, debat, wacana, forum, diskusi, dialog… apa-apa lagilah, asalkan untuk mendaulatkan Islam boleh dibuat kerana PAS adalah parti Islam. Bukankah semua kerja itu adalah kerja Islam?
Saya teringat cerita seorang guru Tauhid yang mengajar saudara baru mengenai sifat Allah. Katanya, "Allah itu ada, lawannya tiada. Wajib ada, mustahil tiada. Dalil adanya Allah, adanya alam ini."
Saudara baru itu keliru dan berkata, "Cakap betul-betullah, ada atau tiada. Sekejap ada, sekejap tiada, Sekejap pula, ada mau lawan sama tiada. Wajib, dalil, mustahil … itu apa? Cakap betul, ada atau tiada?"
Permudahkanlah, jangan menyusahkan. Bukankah itu ajaran agama kita?
Posted: 04 Feb 2010 12:43 PM PST
Yang memungkinkan hilangnya nilai budaya, hilangnya etika kepimpinan dan perasaan kasih sayang kepada negara ialah apabila kita sudah tidak tahu lagi cara untuk mendapatkan perkara yang kita idamkan.
Saya lebih cenderung untuk mengarahkan pandangan dalam tulisan saya ini kepada manusia siasah yang begitu lancar mengeluarkan kata-kata cintakan negara, tetapi tidak begitu faham bagaimana hendak menzahirkan cinta mereka kepada negara yang bertuah ini.
Sebagai pemimpin yang telah diamanahkan yang paling utama ialah untuk memahami bagaimana negara ini terasas dan apabila kita memahami premis yang menjadi asas kepada kewujuddannya barulah kita memahami cara menyayangi negara.
Apabila kita sudah tahu perkara yang pokok ini barulah kita memahami cara kita mencari penyelesaian kepada apa-apa kemelut yang ada dihadapan kita.
Kita wajib mengetahui masalah pokok sebelum kita mampu untuk menyelesaikannya.
Kalau kita cuba melakukan sesuatu tanpa kita ketahui serta memahami isu sebenar, kita tidaklah ada bezanya dengan orang yang mabuk.
Orang yang mabuk kita boleh definasikan dari sudut hakikatnya; iaitu orang yang tidak tahu apa yang dibuatnya.
Tuhan kita pun tidak menerima amalan dan perbuatan orang yang mabuk; dan itu merupakan salah satu dari firmannya kalau kita mahu menerimanya sebagai manusia yang bertuhan.
Jika kita menghormati sebuah negara asing, tiada sebab kita tidak menghormati negeri-negeri yang dibawah naungan seorang Raja Melayu yang berdaulat.
Jika kita akui sesebuah negeri itu berdaulat maka sudah kemestian kita layani negeri dan rakyat negeri tersebut sebagai negeri dan rakyat yang berdaulat.
Jika kita lari dari asas ini maka yang akan kita hadapi ialah pandangan rendah mereka terhadap kita yang akhirnya kita pula yang marah dan menyimpan perasaan yang tidak baik terhadap mereka.
Kelantan dan Trengganu misalnya adalah dua buah negeri yang berdaulat maka kita wajib menrima kedaulatan negeri-negeri tersebut mengikut hakikinya.
Kenapa PETRONAS yang dipunyai oleh pusat itu mencari helah untuk tidak memayar Royalty kepada kedua buag negeri itu sedangkan itu sudah termaktub dalam perjanjian.
Sebaleknya kenapa pula Sabah dan Sarawak boleh pula mendapatkan Royalty tersebut? Kenapa ada perbezaan.
Kenapa Rais Yatim melenting dengan Tengku Razaleighmsedangkan TR memang pun menubukan PETRONAS itu atas arah Tun Razak untuk memberi nikmat kepada rakyat negeri-negeri tersebut.
Kenapa ada yang disayangi dan ada yang dibenci? Rais sendiri selalu menasihat kita dalam ucapan politik agar kita jangan bersikap 'benci merata-rata. Saying bertompok-tompok'?
Kalau tidak kerana politik masakan Royalty diganti dengan Wang Ehsan yang bertentangan dengan perjanjian dan tidak menghormati negeri-negeri yang berdaulat itu tadi?
Kenapa Rais menuduh TR berdolak dalik, kenapa tidak soal samada yang diperkatakan itu benar atau tidak? Kenapa Rais lupa dengan dolak daliknya selama ini. Apabila mengumumkan untuk membakar jambatan dengan Mahathir kenapa pula menghidu Dr Mahathir seperti kucing manja yang hendak menysusu?
Kenapa tidak kritik Dr Mahathir yang berucap pada 24hb Jun 2006 diTaman Melawati yang dihadziri oleh pemimpin tertinggi PAS semasa beliau mengkritik Abdullah Badawi dahulu.
Kenapa tidak dikritik Dr Mahathir yang mencerca President UMNO dihadapat pemimpin tertinggi PAS dan kenapa tidak nasihat Dr Mahathir untuk meluahkan perasaan melalui saluran tertentu?
Tiada siapa yang mampu menafikan ini kerana saya adalah Pengerusi Forum tersebut yang menjemput Dr Mahathir sebagai penceramah utamanya.
Sampai kehari ini Dr Mahathir mengecam UMNO, malahan beliau bertanggungjawab besar diatas kekalahan UMNO dalam banyak kerusi Parlimen dan Negeri dalam pilihanraya umum yang lalu.
Kelemahan Pak Lah memanglah menjadi penyebab utama tetapi Mahathir membuatkan UMNO bertambah parah.
Kenapa pemimpin-pemimpin kita yang benar-benar berdolak dalik tidak dijadikan isu?
Kita masih ingat bagaimana pemimpin UMNO menghina Raja-Raja Melayu pada krisis 1993 tetapi sekarang menuduh pihak lain tidak menghormati Raja-Raja Melayu yang berdaulat tadi?
Pada sesiapa yang boleh membaca semasa itu merasakan UMNO sudah hilang wadah ketika mengkritik Raja-Raja Melayu kita. Menghentam Raja-Raja Melayu bermakna menentang perjuangan UMNO itu sendiri.
Jadi yang mana satu yang kita perlu ikut? Rakyat menjadi keliru, dan apabila rakyat keliru, perpecahan dan percanggahan persepsi akan berlaku dan akhirnya membawa padah pada negara dan rakyat juga yang akan melata.
Krisis identiti yang dihadapi oleh UMNO sekarang wajib diperbaikki jika kita masih berminat untuk mendapatkan sokongan ramai.
Saya berharap pengakuan UMNO yang Raja itu adalah asas perpaduan rakyat saya hargai dan ramai yang menghargainya; tetapi biarlah konsisten jangan berdolak dalik lagi.
Jika hilang Raja-Raja Melayu hilanglah identiti kita. Jika kita hilang identiti, maka bangsa kita akan hilang dunianya.
Cukuplah setakat ini: secebis yang disebutkan tadi ialah untuk mengingatkan pemimpin-pemimpin kita supaya menjadi pemimpin bagi negara yang berdaulat dan merdeka, bukan menjadi pemimpin yang …………..
Akhirnya saya ingin menulis sepotong kata-kata dalam bahasa Inggeris yang pada saya sangat bernilai; 'Everything has got a moral, if you can only find it' (Lewis Carroll)
Posted: 04 Feb 2010 12:15 PM PST
From Ha'aretz (too lazy to link the darn story):
We will issue a warrant for Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's arrest if it turns out Israeli intelligence was behind last month's killing of a Hamas strongman, Army Radio quoted Dubai's police commissioner on Thursday.
Dubai's police chief Dahi Halfan referred to the January 20 assassination of Mahmoud al-Mabhouh, who was reportedly responsible for the smuggling of Iranian arms to Gaza.
Benjamin Netanyahu, the Israeli prime minister, will be the first to be wanted for justice as he would have been the one who signed the decision to assassinate [Mahmoud] al Mabhouh in Dubai. We will issue an arrest warrant against him," Halfan told the U.A.E. site The Natioanl.
The Dubai police chief also said that the method used to kill al Mabhouh, was a Mossad method, but did not elaborate further.
On Wednesday, Dubai's police chief warned international intelligence agencies from working "behind our back," saying anyone who did so "should be wary of his own back.
Halfan added that that threat was also applicable "to any intelligence organization around the world, whether Mossad, Hamas or any other agency."
The Dubai police chief added that he believed the Hamas leader was in Dubai for business and not for any kind of arms transactions.
Halfan added that if Al-Mabhouh would have been interested in meeting Iranian officials in Dubai, as the Israeli media has claimed, he could have done so in either Syria or Iran itself.
The Dubai police commissioner refused to reveal the identity of the suspects linked to the incident, denying a Hamas claim that the assassins had entered the country by participating in Minister Uzi Landau's entourage, when he visited Dubai earlier that month.
Posted: 04 Feb 2010 08:43 AM PST
Posted: 04 Feb 2010 07:36 AM PST
Apparently quite a few people.
They have been lined up as alibi to prove that he was not having anal intercourse with Saiful Bukhari on that fateful June day
these people risk a jail term if they perjure themselves
I understand Wan Azizah risking here freedom for Anwar but I do nto understand why anyone else would want to risk everything for a person whose most famous claim to fame is his ego and massively overinflated sense of self importance...
For example MIER executive Director, Professor Ariff... who is apparently one of his strongest alibi..
doesn't ariff realise that his freedom will mean little to Anwar... kalau tak percaya tanyalah Ezam and those arrested with him for defending and championing Anwar...
They were nto even given second thought when he came out of jail
the only person who has Anwar's ears after all these years is Azmin Ali
Wan Azizah,...hmm jangan cakap telinga... yang lain pun tak tentu lagi tuu....
Posted: 04 Feb 2010 02:57 AM PST
Posted: 04 Feb 2010 05:10 AM PST
The people do not have "short memories' The legislators who have betrayed the peoples trusts will be "shot "not literally but voted out by the people who put them there in the first place. They will be termed "TRAITORS" and as PKR Treasurer William Leong puts it there are limits to what an assemblyman can and cannot do.
Likewise in other BN parties there are disciplinary committees which takes care of TRAITORS OR RECALCITRANT PARTY MEMBERS. Those who do the FROG JUMP will ultimatedly pay a heavy price. Don't turn round and tell us we did not tell you in the first place and do not blame the system.Blame yourselves..Watch the video clip…
This posting includes an audio/video/photo media file: Download Now
Posted: 04 Feb 2010 03:59 AM PST
Saya telah mendapat sedikit desakkan dari pembaca blog saya untuk saya menyambung tulisan saya pada 2hb Januari yang lalu bertajuk 'States within the Federation are sovereign' dalam bahasa Malaysia.
Saya bersetuju dan itulah sebabnya kali ini saya menulis sambungan kepada 'article' tersebut dalam bahasa kebangsaan kita.
Sebagaimana yang kita sama-sama memahami, Malaysia adalah sebuah negara merdeka dan merupaka sebuah persekutuan yang dibentuk oleh negeri-negeri yang berdaulat, 9 diantaranya adalah negeri-negeri dibawah naungan Raja-Raja Melayu yang berdaulat.
Tidak ada kedaulatan kerajaan persekutuan jika tiada kedaulatan negeri-negeri yang bersekutu untuk membentuk persekutuan tersebut.
Selain dari negeri-negeri beraja 2 buah negeri 'Straits Settlement' Malaka dan Pulau Pinang dan disertai pula oleh Sabah dan Sarawak pada tahu 1963 dahulu maka gagasan Persekutuan Malaysia telah menjadi sebuah persekutuan yang lebih besar dari kita mula-mula mencapai kemerdekaan dahulu.
Sebelum Perekutuan Tanah Melayu dan selepas itu Persekutuan Malaysia setiap negeri-negeri ini mempunyai kerajaan yang berdaulat dan mendtadbir mengikut cara yang tersendiri.
Kerajaan ini mempunyai Raja masing-masing serta pentadbiran yang tersendiri. Apabila Perjanjian Persekutuan Tanah Melayu wujud pada 1hb Februari 1948 dahulu Raja-Raja Melayu seta ketua-ketua kerajaan yang tidak beraja bersetuju untuk mewujudkan Kerajaan Persekutuan.
Kedaulatan kerajaan negeri-negeri itu merupaka 'attribute' yang sangat asasi bagi sebuah Kerajaan Persekutuan Malaysia yang mengamalkan sistem Raja Berlembagaan ini.
Didalam sesebuah negeri wujud dewan legislatifnya. Iairu Dewan Undangan Negeri dan pihak Eksekutifnya yang diketuai oleh Menteri Besar yang mendapat kepercayaan ahli-ahli dalam Dewan Undangan Negeri-Negeri.
Badan Kehakiman dan Perundangannya wujud dan selaras dengan kewujuddan Badan-badan tersebut di peringkat Persekutuan.
Disetiap negeri ada sejumlah kawasan-Kawasan Parlimen untuk menyempurnakan perwakilan negeri-negeri yang berdaulat tadi didalam Dewan Legislatif diPeringkat Persekutuan.
Kesemua 122 ahli-ahli Parlimen yang duduk bersidang di Dewan Rakyat itu datangnya dari kawasan dan Negeri-negeri yang mereka wakili.
DiDewan 'Senate' kerajaan-kerajaan negeri di wakili oleh wakil-wakil yang dicadangkan oleh Dewan-Dewan Undangan Negeri. Ini juga merupakan simbul kedaulatan kerajaan-kerajaan negeri.
Institusi Yang DiPertuan Agong juga adalah simbul kedaulatan kerajaan–keajaan negeri. Setiap Raja-Raja Melayu adalah ahli kepada Majli Raja-Raja dan disertai oleh Gabenor-gabenor negeri-negeri selat serta dari Sabah dan Sarawak.
Majlis Raja-Raja Melayu ini melantik salah seorang dari Baginda-Baginda Raja-Raja untuk menjadi Yang DiPertuan Agong dan perlantikan ini mengikut giliran yang memakan masa 5 tahun bagi setiap diantara Raja-Raja Melayu.
Sesungguhnya kedaulatan kerajaan pusat adalah kerana kedaulatan negeri-negeri yang bernaung dibawahnya.
Kuasa kerajaan negeri tetap besar kerana kerajaan negeri mempunyai kuasa keatas hasil bumi negara.
FELDA merupakan agensi kerajaan pusat, tetapi bagi FELDA membuka ladang-ladang untuk mendudukkan peneroka kerajaan negerilah yang bertanggungjawab untuk meluluskan pindah milik kerajaan negeri untuk FELDA tadi dan segala cukai-cukai tanah adalah kepunyaan kerajaan negeri.
Begitu juga lah dengan hasil minyak; ianya adalah kepunyai negeri bukannya kerajaan pusat.
Itulah sebabnya kerajaan Sarawak telah membawa kerajaan pusat kemahkamah untuk mengistiharkan yang kerajaan pusat tidak berhak keatas pengeluaran minyak dalam kawasan perairannya. Ini berlaku pada awal tahun 70an.
Maka itulah sebabnya Tun A Razak meminta Tengku Razaleigh untuk melakukan sesuatu untuk penyelesaiannya. Tun Razak faham yang negeri Sarawak adalah negeri berdaulat dan berhak keatas hasil mahsul yang ada didalam negeri serta perairannya.
Itulah sebabnya penubuhan sebuah syarikat Petrolium Nasional (PETRONAS) dicadangkan oleh Tengku Razaleigh dan diterima oleh Kabinet Persekutuan.
Tengku Razaleigh telah memulakan usaha untuk merealisasikan kewujudan PETRONAS dan usaha ini bukanlah suatu usaha yang senang seperti membaca ABC.
Beliau terpaksa berunding dengan kesemua kerajaan negeri yang berdaulat tadi untuk mencari formula yang terbaik untuk bagi kepentingan semua rakyat negara termasuklah bagi negeri-negeri yang tidak ada hasil minyak
Akhirnya diatas kesedaran bersama TR telah berjaya memujuk kerajaan-kerajaan negeri-negeri untuk berkompromi diatas premis hasil negara mesti dinikmati oleh semua rakyat seperti yang diidamkan oleh Tun A Razak.
Kerja keras yang dilakukan oleh TR bukannya senang. Selain dari berunding dengan kerajaan-keraan negeri beliau juga mendapat tekanan antarabangsa untuk menggagalkan usaha kerajaan kita untuk pengwujuddun PETRONAS seperti yang ada pada hari ini.
TR terpaksa menolak tawaran untuk beliau menjadi Ahli Jemaah Kabinet (Menteri) pada tahun 1974 kerana usaha menguruskan pembetukkan PETRONAS memerlukan masa, tenaga serta pengorbanan yang besar dari pihak Tengku Razaleigh.
Dengan usaha keras TR dengan rakan-rakan PETRONAS pun wujud pada bulan October 1974 dan bermula dai saat itu PETRONAS dan kerajaan-kerajaan negeri pengeluar minyak yang berdaulat tadi.
Maka terhasillah kerjasama PETRONAS dengan kerajaan negeri berdaulat tadi mengikat perjanjian sebagaimana yang tertulis didalam Akta Petrolium 1974 yang diluluskan oleh Parlimen dan Dewan-Dewan Undangan semua Negeri-negeri.
Dalam posting saya yang akan datang kita sentuh dan rongkai Akta ini untuk pengetahuan kita sendiri setidak-tidaknya, jika pun kita tidk mahu mengakui secara terbuka kerana hendak menjaga kedudukkan politik masing-masing.
Posted: 04 Feb 2010 03:56 AM PST
Members of the court in Anwar Ibrahim's sodomy trial today visited the alleged crime scene at a posh condominium in Bukit Damansara, Kuala Lumpur.
The visit took place after 'in camera' proceedings ended at about 11am.
About a dozen cars ferried the members of the court to the scene together with complainant Mohd Saiful Bukhari Azlan and the accused Anwar Ibrahim.
When Saiful disembarked at the heavily guarded comdonimium entrance, several women who were there jeered and hurled insults at him.
It is believed that the women had trailed the entourage from the Kuala Lumpur court complex.
Yesterday, Saiful told the court of how Anwar had allegedly made sexual advances to him at Unit 11-5-1 at the Desa Damansara Condominium on June 26, 2008.
Saiful was prevented from revealing further details yesterday as defence counsel Karpal Singh applied for the rest of the testimony to be heard 'in camera'.
The closed-door proceedings began this morning at 9.30am.
Members of the court spent about an hour at the condominium compound before heading back to the court.
LIVE UPDATES follow from the Kuala Lumpur High Court:
4.20pm: Court adjourns till 9.30am tomorrow.
4.10pm: Doctor at Pusrawi suggested that Saiful have himself checked at a government hospital.
Saiful said he then went to the Kuala Lumpur general hospital where he told one Dr Daniel that he was sodomised by the accused.
Saiful said the doctor passed him a note and he proceeded to the emergency ward to lodge a police report was lodged. One superintendent Jude Pereira was among the police that attended to him.
4.00pm: Saiful said on June 28, 2008, accompanied by uncle Tuah Mohd Halim, he went to Tawakal Hospital at about 1.00pm but was turned away because it was only operating for half-day.
Following this, he went to another private hospital - Pusrawi Hospital - and was tended to by Dr Mohd Osman Abdul Hamid.
3.45pm: Footage shows Saiful entering entering a lift at the carpark and leaving more than an hour later.
3.40pm: Computer used to play the CCTV footage freezes while screening footage of the condominium carpark.
Justice Mohd Zabidin orders Anwar to step out of the dock and stand closer to the screen, since the latter can't see clearly.
3.35pm: Court now viewing CCTV footage of Saiful in the condominium.
3.30pm: Justice Mohd Zabidin rules that there was no contempt of court, as contempt must be proven through in depth investigations.
He said the defence can make a police report on Utusan Malaysia report should they feel there is element of contempt in the news report.
3.10pm: After submissions by the defence, Justice Mohd Zabidin said the Utusan Malaysia use of the word 'lagi (again)' was "mischievous".
Court in recess for five-minutes in order for the judge to decide on the matter.
3.00pm: Defence counsel Karpal Singh kicks off the afternoon proceedings by urging Justice Mohd Zabidin Mohd Diah to cite Utusan Malaysia for contempt over its front page report titled 'Tak rela diliwat lagi'.
news courtesy of Malaysiakini
Posted: 04 Feb 2010 12:37 AM PST
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Posted: 04 Feb 2010 02:20 AM PST
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Posted: 04 Feb 2010 01:05 AM PST
HOMEGROWN RADICALS Complacency is not an option
The American Muslim community should not brush aside facts by either taking a defensive posture or by being apologetic. The better path is to conduct honest soul searching and enact proactive measures that can avoid such attention grabbing headlines in the first place.
BY PARVEZ AHMED, FEBRUARY 3, 2010
Bad for our image
An army major at Fort Hood guns down fellow soldiers, five young men arrested after traveling to Pakistan to join radical elements, a coffee vendor charged in a New York terror plot and a terrorism suspect in North Carolina is arrested. Such headlines involving American Muslims ought to be a source of concern for the community. A recent scholarly report (PDF) by researchers at Duke University and University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill asserts that the number of American Muslims vulnerable to radicalization is small but not negligible. Since 9-11, 139 American Muslims have committed terrorist acts or have been convicted or charged with terrorism. Less than one-third successfully executed their violent plots, with a majority of these violent acts being committed overseas.
The American Muslim community should not brush aside these facts by either taking a defensive posture or by being apologetic. Saying that only a handful of American Muslims are involved in terrorism while the vast majority of the community are productive citizens or asserting that America's wars in Iraq and Afghanistan are the source of such radicalization, while true does not solve the problem at hand. The better path for the community will be to conduct honest soul searching and enact proactive measures that can avoid such attention grabbing headlines in the first place.
In an ideal world, the misguided action of a few individuals will not invite scrutiny on the broader community. But we live in a world where the fear and misunderstandings about the Muslim community is pervasive. A recent survey by the Gallup Center for Muslim Studies found 53 percent of Americans view Islam unfavorably with 6 in 10 Americans reporting that they know little about Islam. While other religious extremists are portrayed as being outside the mainstream, terrorists who happen to be Muslims are characterized as representatives of their religion. Dalia Mogahed , executive director of the Gallup Center said to Bloomberg News, "Where a deranged person of a certain faith commits a crime in the name of their faith, we look at these incidents as someone misinterpreting faith. When a terrorist commits an act of violence in the name of Islam, it is often times framed as being devoted to the faith rather than being deviant."
The Duke-UNC report (PDF), while raising concern, commends the American Muslim community for the steps it has taken thus far to limit radicalization of its youth. These steps such as public and private denunciation of terrorism, nipping extremist ideas at their bud, social networking, and political engagement have been helpful but need of further enhancement for better sustainability. Among the ideas (not necessarily new or radical) that the community can use to prevent future radicalization are:
1. Political Mobilization – Increased political mobilization will stunt domestic radicalization by providing, "an example to Muslims around the world that grievances can be resolved through peaceful democratic means." American Muslims should use their social gatherings to mobilize politically. Merely demanding inclusion in the political process is not enough. No politician or political party will take the community seriously unless the community can demonstrate that they have the ability to deliver votes, money or both. Instead of presenting issues as "Muslim-centric" the community will be better served by making their advocacy "issue-centric." This will allow the community to gather allies across faith-groups who also have similar concerns. A broader coalition will increase the chances of success and success will draw out more members of the community to rally behind common causes. Success will also remove the cynicism that often permeates the community.
2. Relationship with Law Enforcement – The community has made efforts to improve relationship with law enforcement. Such efforts need to be sustained and enhanced. The American Muslim community has legitimate concerns about law enforcement's use of informants and agent provocateurs. However, these concerns cannot be addressed by cutting-off relations. If fact, the opposite needs to be done. Besides seeking regular dialogue with law enforcement, the American-Muslim community needs to encourage its youth to seek careers in law enforcement. Asking the FBI to include more members of the community in its Citizen's Academy will also be a step in the right direction.
3. Access – Sections of the American Muslim community consist of people who are immigrants, who may struggle to provide their families with basic necessities due to poor English language skills or lack of higher education. Parents often work double or triple shifts to make ends meet with little time to spend with their children, particularly the youth. This makes them vulnerable to unsavory social networks. The American Muslim community, in partnership with public agencies, need to provide, "community-building resources such as youth centers, childcare facilities, public health clinics, and English as a Second Language courses (Duke-UNC report)." This can mitigate any propensity towards radicalization.
4. Religious Discourse – The Duke-UNC report asserts, "Muslim-Americans with a strong, traditional religious training are far less likely to radicalize than those without such training." The community must invest in developing institutions that can teach Islam in a holistic way. In addition, there is an urgent need to review the types of lectures and khutbas being delivered at the local mosques. This is not to say that contemporary Islamic discourse in American Islamic centers is radicalizing Muslim youth. However, it is safe to say that the contemporary Islamic discourse in American Islamic centers is often too esoteric for the youth to find relevance to their day-to-day life. Religious consciousness is not possible without a social ethic. Thus religious discourse instead of being consumed with the trivial issues of halal (permissible) or hilal (moon crescent) should tackle issues that are contemporary to living in America. This will allow young people to appreciate that the solutions to their many problems can be found within their faith, creating a more positive attitude towards their faith and their country.
A recent publication titled, "Building Bridges to Strengthen America," (PDF) produced by the Muslim Public Affairs Council, cites a study (PDF) by Quintan Wiktorowicz outlining a path to radicalization. Knowing these steps can help the community and families spot trouble before they become a nightmare.
The first step towards radicalization is usually socio-economic-political discontent often precipitating a personal crisis that Wiktorowicz describes as, "…shakes certainty in previously accepted beliefs and renders an individual more receptive to the possibility of alternative views and perspectives." The identity crisis leads to seeking answers. People may find comfort in religion using a variety of methods such as personal social networks or the internet. If the seeker consciously or inadvertently were to engage with members of any extremist movement then the chances of radicalization increases as the, "[extremist] movement members attempt to convince seekers that the movement ideology provides logical solutions to pressing concerns." Successful recruitment occurs because individuals are ignorant of or lack access to mainstream religious knowledge. Empirical studies show that most terrorists lack religious knowledge and were secular individuals until just before joining an extremist group (see Marc Sageman's, Leaderless Jihad).
In the final phase, the recruit internalizes the ideology of the extremist group. Sustaining this state of mind requires isolating the individual from mainstream society. Radicals are often aloof, angry and excessively critical of society. Instead of seeking solutions to problem, they engage in the blame game, often making simplistic and stereotyping accusations that they themselves loathe when directed at their faith or community. An important caveat – not all people who are aloof, angry or excessively critical are necessarily radicals.
In a study (PDF) by the Dutch Clingendael Centre for Strategic Studies, the author provides a way to measure social integration (arguing that better social integration can reduce chances of being radicalized). The study asserts that there are ten social factors, which are necessary for social integration. The factors are:
1. Acceptance – an individual's perception for being accepted in society.
2. Welcome – an individual's feeling of being welcomed or warmly greeted by society.
3. Integration – an individual's involvement in activities outside of their own ethnic or religious groups.
4. Entitlement – an individual's feelings about their citizenship rights.
5. Equal Opportunity – an individual's perception of fairness in their professional life.
6. Social Access – an individual's feeling about being accepted in or have easy access to local clubs, sporting groups etc.
7. Loyalty – an individual's loyalty or allegiance towards their country of residence.
8. Citizenship Pride – an individual's satisfaction in being a member of the national community.
9. Social Values – an individual's attitude towards social values, such as freedom, human rights, etc., of the broader society.
10. Language – an individual's fluency in the local language of the country they reside in.
Scoring low on these factors increases the risk of radicalization. As is seen from these factors, the propensity to radicalize is a multifaceted and complex process. Community members need to proactively institute programs that allow young American Muslims to develop positive attitude towards their society. Some of these factors are outside the control of the community. And yet, if and when a problem surfaces, members of the community should engage with relevant agencies that can provide relief. For example, if a person feels that they are being discriminated in their jobs or badly treated when they go to the local gym, the community should seek immediate redress, understanding that the law is on their side. Brushing aside these grievances only makes the problem worse. Redressing grievances can engender positive feelings towards citizenship and foster loyalty.
Throughout his life, before and after the Prophetic mission, Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) participated in many just causes without regard to who initiated that good action. To Prophet Muhammad, the principles were more important than who initiated a good action. He did want to establish a tribal order. He wanted to establish a system of governance based on justice and a social order based on compassion. Here are three examples of Prophet Muhammad's inclusive and egalitarian vision:
1. The Fujjar War (this was before Muhammad was a prophet): This war was waged against some Arab tribes who violated the sacredness of Makkah in the sacred months. The sanctity of Kaabah was a tradition the Makkans had inherited from the upright religion of Prophet Abraham. This fight lasted for four years, and the Prophet's age at that time was around 15-19 years. He participated in this war side by side with his uncles. He defended his community from danger and he did so out of his sense that he should share in defending his homeland and fight off aggression and injustice.
2. Hilf Al-Fudul (The Pact of the Virtuous): A pact was reached in the house of Abdullah bin Jud`an. One of the principles outlined in this pact was that all the tribes who signed on to this pact will come to the defense of any person in Makkah who is oppressed or subjected to injustices. And they will do so regardless of the social status or ethnic origin of the victim. Later in his life, when Muhammad became a prophet he said (i.e. while referring to this alliance): "If I am invited to join a similar (alliance) now (after the spread of Islam), I will, surely, join it." The Prophet's participation in Al-Fudul Alliance reveals the positive attitude he took, for he considered himself part and parcel of the Makkan society, the community where he lived, where he earned his living from and expected die. He was eager to participate in good causes that benefited the society regardless of who initiated the action.
3. The Prophet's Response to SOS Calls: It is reported that during the time of Al-Hudaibiyah peace treaty, the Prophet was informed that a famine had afflicted the Makkan people, the same people who had driven him out of his home and killed members of his family. But upon hearing the humanitarian disaster that befell even his enemies, he sent Hatib bin Abi Balta'a with 500 dinars to buy foods for the poor and the needy among the Makkans.
Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) remembered God Almighty by engaging in the service of God's creations. He served God, by serving his fellow human beings.
Despite the many setbacks on civil liberties, America remains a land of the free. Muslims must use this freedom to effectively respond to the vigorous challenges to some of their deeply held beliefs. While speaking out against perceived affront to their religion or way of life they must uphold the right of others to offend without backing down from seeking ways to defend their own rights. This, of course, entails an unequivocal commitment to the rule of law. Citizens have the right to protest unfair treatment; and when they believe the law is unjust, they should work to change such laws. Promising integration lies in civic participation and political mobilization. Random violence targeting innocent civilians is immoral and ineffective. It can never be justified no matter how severe the underlying grievance. This message needs to be reinforced from the mosque pulpit to the kitchen table.
Parvez Ahmed, Ph.D., is a U.S. Fulbright Scholar and Associate Professor of Finance at the University of North Florida. He is also a frequent commentator on Islam and the American Muslim experience. This article was originally written for Message International.
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HOMEGROWN RADICALS Complacency is not an option
Posted: 04 Feb 2010 12:45 AM PST
After visiting the condominium and getting a sense of what happened on the date mentioned, we now have a clearer picture of what allegedly happened to Saiful Bukhari and the kind of a person Anwar is.
If you compare Saiful's testimony to the one given by Sukma Darmawan, they are both consistent about Anwar's dominating and domineering nature.
Saiful told us yesterday how Anwar got angry when he refused and insisted on sex anyway
Listen to Sukma and see how he was manipulated into consensual homosexual act with Anwar and what Anwar asked him to do
also listen to the infamous Mat King leather telephone conversation between Anwar and hWan Azizah's tailor, Mior Abdul Razak
From conversation we can see that Anwar is quite forward when he comes to his sexual demands so the phrase "Can I Fuck You Today' is not out of character
anyway that is my pop psychology analysis from the second day of trial
the use of password ans secret location is also consistent with the previous cases where the favoured location was Tivoli Villa, again there is a pattern
he organises his tryst to be close to home so that should the need arise, he can be back with his family in short notice
This posting includes an audio/video/photo media file: Download Now
Posted: 03 Feb 2010 11:07 PM PST
Defence Minister Zahid Hamidi disclosed Thursday that internal sources in the Armed Forces have been leaking military secrets to a foreign embassy.
Zahid said the leakage was discovered following investigations by the ministry's intelligence corps. He, however, declined to elaborate how long this has been going on but would make give more details later on.
Zahid said he would meet Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak to discuss the matter soon.
He believed the alleged individuals "have been paid" to sell the information.
He said those responsible for the leakage have been given a stern warning. Further investigations are being carried out by the intelligence corps and the police.
news courtesy of Malaysian Mirror
Posted: 03 Feb 2010 10:56 PM PST
Even though Sarawak's next election is only due in 16 months, polls fever is already being felt in the state. Barisan Nasional and Pakatan Rakyat leaders have criss-crossed the length and breadth of the state and are busily organising various functions.
"Many of the star hotels in Kuching have been fully booked between June and July for federal ministers," say hotel sources.
The unusually heavy hotel bookings have prompted political observers and politicians to believe that the state election is imminent. Some even suggest that the election may be held in July this year.
Sources close to the four component parties of the state Barisan have been told to get their machinery ready.
Confirming this, Tedewin Ngumbang, a Parti Rakyat Sarawak supreme council member, says: "Yes, it is true. We have been told to update our election machinery and get ready for election.
"Tedewin, who is also a close aide to PRS president and Minister of Land Development James Masing, says that he understands that as from March, which is the beginning of the five-year 10 MP (10 Malaysia Plan), BN will roll out massive development funds throughout the nation with special attention to Sarawak's Corridor Renewal Energy (SCORE).
Tenders for the Bakun Road to the proposed Murum Dam, the Bintulu/Tunoh/Baleh/Kotai road and Kapit/Song/Sibu road will be out soon. The three trunk roads are expected to cost close to RM2 billion.
There are also several major projects which are to be implemented under 10MP in other parts of Sarawak, details of which are yet to be announced.
Other indications of early election include the constant visits by Federal ministers to various parts of Sarawak, right from Lawas to Sibu, Kapit and Lundu.Rural and Regional Development Minister Shafie Apdal has announced that his ministry has approved RM3.4 billion to build more roads, houses and public amenities under the National Key Rural Area (NKRA). These projects are expected to be carried out between now and 2012.
Another factor that can help determine an early election is the decision of the Apex Court in Perak on Feb 9 in which the ousted menteri besar Mohd. Nizar Jamaluddin has challenged the legality of Zambry Abdul Kadir's state government.
Political observers see that whatever the court's decision, an early election is inevitable to determine which one is really the "government of the people". Although Zambry says that BN can win up to 34 seats in the state assembly, BN and Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak are said to be dead scared of losing the Perak government to Pakatan Rakyat when such an election is to be held.
Thus, the observers reason, Najib wants Sarawak to hold a simultaneous election with that of Perak's, so that if the BN is to lose Perak, it will be counter-balanced by the victory in Sarawak.
BN political strategists think along the same line, saying a BN victory in Sarawak will have a cushioning effect and will save Najib from embarrassment assuming PR takes Perak.
For Sarawak, the Federal Government is confident of its victory. This victory is being assessed by Federal ministers who have been visiting Sarawak lately.
Apdal says: "BN is going to win the next election in the state judging by the feedback I received from the rural areas. "But, of course, we must not be complacent. We need to work harder to ensure we will win the election in a big way," he told BN supporters.
But Najib must ask Taib to hold an election simultaneously with the election in Perak. And observers believe that there is no reason why Taib should not agree, after all Najib has promised to inject massive development funds to Sarawak under the 10MP. And waiting for June next year to have an election is of little difference; it is a matter of nine or ten months away, so the strategists argue.
Solid and united
In the meantime, all BN parties have been told to put their houses in order and stop infighting.
Of the four BN parties in the state, Masing's PRS is perhaps more solid and united now after a three-year crisis. For SPDP and SUPP, they have some internal problems that may undermine their unity.
The problem in SPDP is more about personality, and with the right approach, it should be solved soon. Only SUPP has a major problem especially the "Dudong branch" issue that has been a thorn in its flesh for the past three years without any sign of it being solved. In fact it has gotten from bad to worse.
Some 28 branches of the party have asked for an extraordinary meeting to solve it, but their request has been turned down, setting a major clash between supporters of Wong Soon Koh, state assemblyman for Bawang Assan, and Dr Soon Choon Teck, state assemblyman for Dudong. Both of them have been in the centre of the crisis with neither one prepared to give way, resulting in the problem being dragged on and on affecting not only SUPP branches and members in Sibu, but also statewide. Both of their supporters are at each others' throats.
The effect of this divide may put the state seats in the midst and lower Rajang basin in jeopardy. Seats like Repok, Dudong, Pelawan and Bawang Assan are sure to face an uphill battle if the previous election results are any indication. SUPP has already lost Meradong and Bukit Assek to DAP in the last election.
The other BN component party, PBB, which is the backbone of the state government, will be holding its triennial general meeting early next month. Apart from strengthening its unity, election preparations are expected to be one of the meeting agendas. As PBB president and Chief Minister Abdul Taib Mahmud is known to have employed an iron-fist rule in the party, he will not tolerate any conflict or diverse views in the party. For him, the next election can be his last leading the state BN. In all the past elections, except for the 1987 state election when the opposition won 20 out of 48 seats, Taib has delivered absolute victories in the 29 years of his leadership.
On the opposition front, Pakatan Rakyat has also made some early preparations, such as the drafting of its manifesto and talks on seat allocation among PKR, DAP, PAS and SNAP. Initial discussions were held late last year.
"The seat allocation should be finalised after the Chinese New Year in order to ensure a one-to-one fight against the Barisan Nasional. By then we should know which seats each party will contest," says Baru Bian, State PKR chairman.
DAP is expected to fight SUPP in Chinese-majority seats, while PAS and SNAP will contest in some Malay and Iban seats respectively.
For PKR, it is eyeing some 29 Dayak, four or five Malay, and one or two Chinese constituencies.
PKR's other preparations include profiling of each and everyone of the constituencies, training of its grassroots and branch leaders, carrying out voter registration and membership exercises through the length and breadth of the state.
"The profiling of the constituencies is very important so that we will know the number of male, female and young voters, the pattern of voting, campaigning issues, development projects that have been carried out in those areas, the problems of the people and, at the same time, identifying potential candidates," said Granda Aing, vice president of PKR Sarawak.
On its training programme, he said: "Our Akademi Keadilan Rakyat (Ark) has just completed a number of workshops to train trainers who will return to their respective areas and conduct their own leadership skills training, campaigning techniques, and polling agents and counting agents (PACA) training," Granda said.
A PKR adviser, Wan Zainal Wan Sanusi, who was with Granda said: "PKR is really serious this time to unseat the present BN government. We want to change the government, and we hope the people will support us. This time it is the best opportunity," he said.
news courtesy of Malaysian Mirror
Posted: 03 Feb 2010 10:15 PM PST
This is like a bad sequel. In fact it is a very bad sequel even before the idea of a sequel started. It is bad to have been charged in court for sodomy once... now Anwar goes trough it all over again. I think that is a world record there.
Something that I figured over such cases is that it must be a trend thing. Not enough with just normal adultery, we just have to go one step higher.... Sodomy. I would not pass judgement since there is no point until proven guilty but the possibility can't be denied too. It's like show business.... we have powerful politicians in the so called case of Brokeback Mountain. If this was Hollywood the production would be in epic proportions.
Happily said the accused seems not bothered. Why should he? It is a sequel, so it would be a piece of cake. However this time around I think the public knows that this is a tiring and long case. Chasing semen, swabbing asses and testing mattresses.... every single towel inspected. But what is this all for? Just to send one old man away for a long time? How much will it cost to keep this case running?
Trust me, no one would care. It is just another Anwar Sodomy case. We heard that once too many times already. Can we move on now? Seriously..... I think there are single mothers who are more deserving to get child support than this back breaking case.
Posted: 03 Feb 2010 08:44 PM PST
Posted: 03 Feb 2010 10:10 PM PST
Sodomy Conspiracy Number Two: Part 1
It has been just over 11 years since Anwar Ibrahim, newly sacked as deputy prime minister, was first slapped with trumped-up charges of sodomy and supposed corruption (abuse of power), and subsequently put through two trials which were condemned around the world as manifestly flawed and politically motivated.
As a result, he spent six years in detention in Sungei Bulu Prison, in solitary confinement throughout, with contact allowed only with his family and lawyers.
Finally, after his nemesis, former Prime Minister Dr Mahathir Mohamed, went into reluctant retirement in October 2003, Anwar was acquitted and released on 2 September 2004 at the final level of his appeal against the conviction for sodomy.
Now the nightmare is starting all over again. (The new trial has been fixed to run for a month from Jan 25).
On 16 July 2008, Anwar was arrested on a new sodomy charge, after a report was lodged on 28th June 2008 by a junior aide in his office, Saiful Bukhari. Anwar says that the charge is, again, politically motivated, and a renewed attempt to scuttle his political career which has revived dramatically, against all the odds, since his release.
Most people both inside and outside the country agree with this assessment.
The new case replays an old script with new actors. The current script also shows the previous episode's features of political interference, manipulation of officers in the AG's Chambers and police, and falsification of evidence all arising from a political conspiracy to stop Anwar's political career.
A truly suspicious case
There are many facts about the current allegations made by Saiful and his behaviour which are already in the public domain. These facts speak for themselves and immediately show the lack of substance in the fabricated case.
Saiful claimed in his police report of 28th June 2008, made at Hospital Kuala Lumpur (HKL), that he was sodomised by Anwar on the afternoon of Thursday 26th June 2008 at a condominium in Bukit Damansara. His version to the police in his police statement appears to allege that he had been assaulted about 8 to 9 times against his will by Anwar over the previous two months. In his police report made two days later on 28th June 2008, he claims that this incident of sodomy was also against his will.
This version immediately raises suspicion as to why this so-called "victim" is sodomised 8 to 9 times against his will over two months and yet made no complaint to the authorities. During that time, he was in regular contact with Anwar and all the other office staff at Anwar's office.
It has also been revealed that on Wednesday 25th June 2008, the day before the last so-called assault on Thursday, he had met with a senior police officer, Senior Assistant Commissioner Rodwan Mohd Yusof (then Deputy Director of Criminal Investigation Dept of the Royal Malaysian Police Force, now CPO Melaka), in the Concorde Hotel in KL in Room 619.
When asked by journalists about this meeting, Rodwan said he had no comment. Rodwan had played a key part in Anwar's 1998/9 cases. In particular, he was notorious for his role in illegally using Anwar's blood sample for DNA testing and was also embroiled in allegations of planting fabricated DNA traces on the infamous mattress brought to court.
In the first trial in 1999, the DNA evidence was so discredited that even the hostile trial judge Augustine Paul was forced to expunge the evidence to assist the prosecution.
It has also since been revealed that the "victim" also met the current Prime Minister, Najib Tun Razak (then the Deputy Prime Minister), a few days prior to the alleged incident.
What is interesting about this revelation is that Najib initially denied meeting Saiful to the media, then admitted it, then said the meeting took place because Saiful (a university drop-out) was asking him for assistance to get a scholarship, and then told the media that Saiful said he was sodomised by Anwar and looked traumatised during their meeting.
Saiful's behaviour after the so-called assault on that Thursday also raises questions.
The next morning, Saiful went to the Anwar's office as usual. He made no complaints to anyone and appeared quite normal. Later that day, he attended an Anwar Ibrahim Club event at Anwar's house, at which Anwar was also present. There he helped serve coffee to the dozen or so persons present, showed no signs of fear or anxiety, and was able to sit and stand without showing any signs of discomfort.
At 2 pm the following day, which was a Saturday, Saiful went to a private hospital called Pusat Rawatan Islam (Pusrawi) in Jalan Tun Razak. There he complained to one Dr. Osman that he had had pain in his anus for a few days and that a "plastic" item had been inserted.
A proctoscopy examination by Dr. Osman showed no physical signs of penetration and a normal anus and rectum. After the examination, he then told Dr. Osman he had been sodomised by a VIP and was then advised to go for an examination at a government hospital.
Despite HKL being virtually across the road, it took Saiful two and a half hours to get there. At HKL, where he reported that he had been sodomised, he was examined by three specialist doctors, which was a very unusual procedure in itself.
These three doctors, in their official report, have stated that there were no "no conclusive clinical findings suggestive of penetration to the anus …" again reinforcing the conclusions of Dr. Osman.
Any objective investigator would have understood that a prosecution for sodomy would get nowhere in the light of such clear medical evidence. No objective prosecutor would have allowed the case to progress.
Here we see the opposite – the investigation being driven fully, although the medical evidence from the outset ruled out penetration. The malice in the investigation further confirms the involvement of political motives.
This investigation was pursued despite the medical findings, which would have been made available immediately to police investigators. Swabs taken from Saiful suspiciously took two days to reach the chemist lab for analysis.
We know now that the prosecution will rely on purported DNA evidence to attempt to prove that Anwar was involved in an act of sodomy with Saiful without his consent.
How a 61-year-old man with a bad back can force himself on a fit and tall 24-year-old will be an interesting question for all observers of this political trial.
The other interesting question will be, in the light of the emphatic medical evidence that there are no clinical findings even suggestive of penetration, the lack of credibility of any DNA report purporting to show Anwar's DNA was found in Saiful's rectum.
Such a report would in fact raise suspicion about the credibility of such DNA evidence – i.e. that such evidence had been fabricated or tampered with, which is easy to do with DNA evidence, especially when the perpetrators are the investigators themselves, as in the 1998 trials.Sodomy Conspiracy Number Two: Part 2
This is not the first time–in a court case in which Anwar Ibrahim or one of his close associates is the accused–that the prosecution is depending on fabricated evidence.
The cases of 1998 and 1999 were replete with incidents of manufactured confessions, fabricated DNA evidence and suppression of evidence on the part of the police and the senior prosecutors involved.
Several quick examples can be given. Attorney General Gani Patail, who was one of the senior DPPs prosecuting Anwar in 1998, was exposed this year as having fabricated medical evidence in the form of medical reports in the investigation into former IGP Rahim Noor's brutal assault of Anwar on the night of 20th September 1998.
After the world saw Anwar's black eye, there was a huge outcry and widespread international condemnation. A police investigation then followed.
The Investigating Officer for the case, Dato Mat Zain, confirmed in a letter to the MACC in April 2009 that Gani Patail was actively fabricating false medical reports with the assistance of Musa Hassan (now IGP) in an attempt to suggest that Anwar's injuries were self-inflicted along the lines of a suggestion made publicly by Dr. Mahathir.
Fabrication of evidence against Anwar also went on in related cases involving individuals connected with Anwar.
Gani Patail was implicated in serious charges of threatening Nallakaruppan with the death penalty to force him to give false evidence against Anwar. This was exposed in the form of a statutory declaration by Nallakaruppan's lawyer Manjeet Singh Dhillon, who was a direct witness to the blackmail and extortion that Gani perpetrated.
Federal Court judge Steve Shim in the case of Zainur Zakaria v PP  3 CLJ had this to say of Anwar's application to disqualify Gani and Azahar Mohamed as senior prosecutors in the 1998 case because of their involvement in threatening Nallakaruppan with the death penalty to get him to assist in the fabrication of evidence:
"In the circumstances, was he not justified, on a prima facie basis, in complaining that AGP (Gani Patail)'s conduct at the meeting on 2 October 1998 was an attempt to get Nalla to fabricate evidence in order to perfect charges against him for other alleged sexual offences?"
Judge Augustine Paul did not disqualify Gani. Instead he found Anwar's solicitor, Zainur Zakaria, in contempt of court for filing the application and sentenced him to three months in prison. Gani went on to become Attorney General. Azahar became a High Court judge.
Sukma, the adopted younger brother of Anwar, was arrested in September 1998 as well, and held incommunicado for 14 days.
His lawyer's repeated requests to see him were rejected. He was subjected to mental and physical torture until he made a confession to committing sodomy with Anwar.
The police officer named in the Court of Appeal judgment responsible for this was Musa Hassan, now Inspector-General of Police.
A physical examination by one Dr Zahari Noor showed there was no evidence of penetration. This report was known to the prosecution, who suppressed it when Sukma was produced in court to plead "guilty" based on his purported confession. The court prevented the lawyer appointed by Sukma's family from speaking on his behalf after an objection by the prosecutors (Gani Patail and Yusuf Zainal Abiden).
The Court of Appeal in the reported judgement of Sukma Darmawan Sasmitaat Madja v PP  4 CLJ 697 had this to say in June 2006 of the case:
Dr Munawar Anees was arrested and detained under similar circumstances. He too was held in incommunicado detention, tortured and forced to make a false confession under duress of sodomy with Anwar.
Unfortunately for him, all the appellate courts he faced were hostile. Judges like Low Hop Bing J in the Court of Appeal, together Zaki Tun Azmi (the current Chief Justice), Zulkefli Makinudin J. and Nik Hashim J. in the Federal Court have made sure that Dr. Munawar's demands for justice and to have his case reopened for a new trial were turned down.
They made sure that Dr. Munawar would never be able to expose the ordeal he experienced in 1998 at the hands of the police, prosecution and courts in a new trial.
His application to review the earlier Federal Court decision was turned down very recently–on 28th December 2009 by a Federal Court panel comprising of Arifin Zakaria J., Raus Sharif J. and Mohd Ghazali Mohd Yusuf.
The clear contradiction between the treatment of Sukma's case and Munawar's case at the appellate courts is obvious.
In any criminal legal system, when a confession is challenged on the grounds that it is involuntary, the accused is automatically entitled to a full hearing on its voluntariness.
This safeguard is even more important when a guilty plea was recorded on the basis of that involuntary confession.
Regrettably the highest courts in Malaysia have lost sight of such fundamental principles.
By their actions, they have legitimised serious crimes committed by police and prosecutors in the case of Dr. Munawar, who was arrested, detained and tortured into making a false confession and then jailed for six months, the purpose being to tarnish Anwar's name by association.Sodomy Conspiracy Number Two: Part 3
Gani Patail is now Malaysia's Attorney-General, and Musa Hassan its Inspector-General of Police.
Both have been implicated by investigating officer Mat Zain in the serious crime of fabricating evidence in the investigation into the infamous black-eye incident.
The investigation of the current case against Anwar Ibrahim is under the control of the police, who are under the direction of Musa Hassan.
The malice in the police investigation became obvious when armed policemen with balaclavas arrested Anwar at about 1 pm just outside his home on 16 July 2008, about two and half weeks after Saiful's report.
The arrest was completely unnecessary as Anwar's lawyers were to accompany him to the Kuala Lumpur police headquarters at 2 pm that day to attend a pre-arranged and agreed appointment with police investigators to record his statement.
Yet he was arrested as if he was a fugitive. Anwar was also held overnight in jail. Again, this was malicious and completely unnecessary.
He slept on the cold concrete floor, aggravating his old back injury. The reason given by the police for the overnight detention was that he had to finish recording his statement. His undertaking to return the next morning at an agreed time was rejected. It is now clear that he was held overnight in an attempt to illegally obtain DNA samples from him.
The political nature of the Saiful allegation was again confirmed when Saiful took part in a highly publicised purported "oath" in the Federal Territory of Kuala Lumpur Mosque on 15 July 2008 in the presence of Ustad Ramlang bin Porigi, one of the imams there.
Subsequently, in August, Ustad Ramlang revealed that he was directed by the Head of the Department for Islam and Islamic Affairs in Kuala Lumpur (JAWI), Dato Che Mat bin Che Ali, to be present there to witness the so-called oath taking.
For making this revelation publicly, Ustad Ramlang was then transferred to the "finance" department of JAWI and, a few months later, subjected to disciplinary action.
Political interference is also demonstrated in the handling of the qazaf complaint filed by Anwar against Saiful on 9th July 2008 with JAWI. Qazaf is the offence in syariah law of publishing a libellous statement against another, particularly in relation to sexual conduct.
The enforcement department of JAWI completed its investigations within a few months and recorded statements from Anwar, Saiful and other relevant witnesses.
JAWI has not declared to date that there is no offence committed by Saiful. At the same time, no prosecution of Saiful has been initiated.
The JAWI officials have been directed by the Minister in charge of Islamic affairs not to take any action against Saiful, on the pretext that the sodomy case is pending.
This is wrong as the jurisdictions are separate and independent, and it again shows political interference in the case.Sodomy Conspiracy Number Two: Part 4
There is serious concern about malice and bias on the part of the prosecutors.
Attorney General Gani Patail signed the certificate transferring Anwar Ibrahim's current case from the Sessions Court to the High Court.
Yusuf Zainal Abiden, the senior DPP leading the prosecution team in the current case, was deeply involved in the Sukma case and also in Anwar's prosecutions in 1998. Others in the prosecution team were also involved in the 1998 cases.
Given the bias and bad faith the prosecutors showed in the earlier cases, Anwar is justified in worrying that he will again not get a fair trial.
Indeed, this bad faith has already been manifested in the question of discovery of documents and evidence in the current case.
The DPPs did not entertain repeated requests by Anwar's lawyers for documents relevant for preparation of the defence, such as the witness statements of Saiful and others whom the prosecution will call, medical and forensic reports, and notes.
Anwar then made an application for these documents to the High Court trial judge, Justice Zabidin Mohd Diah, who granted it. The prosecution appealed, resulting in the Court of Appeal setting aside the judgement. Anwar's appeal to the Federal Court is pending.
Given the political stance that the current Federal Court judges took in the Munawar case, there is not much hope of a positive outcome.
Despite the fact that Anwar's appeal to the Federal Court on the key issue of production of documents was still pending, the High Court judge on 6 December 2009 appeared to be under pressure to fix early dates for the trial. He scheduled a month-long trial beginning on Jan 25th 2010. (The starting date was recently moved to Feb 2.)
The same judge had said earlier that the trial dates would not be fixed until the issue of the production of documents was decided in the appellate courts.
The fairness of the trial that Anwar will face is already in question by the denial of documents that are important for preparation of the defence.
In criminal trials in most other jurisdictions, an accused will be given, prior to the trial, the witness statements of all witnesses whom the prosecution will call to testify against him and all documents that will be produced by those witnesses.
This procedure ensures fairness to all parties and prevents delay to the trial.
The trial of Anwar will, despite provisions of the law to the contrary, will now proceed very much in the old style of trial by ambush.
The details of the case for the prosecution and many key documents will be seen by the defence for the first time only at the trial, putting the accused and his lawyers under immense and unfair pressure.Sodomy Conspiracy Number 2: Final
The key dimension of Opposition Leader Anwar Ibrahim's trial will remain the political character of the prosecution and the interests of certain involved parties, in particular Attorney General Gani Patail, Inspector General of Police Musa Hassan and Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak.
Anwar and the Pakatan Rakyat have subjected them to severe criticism in and out of Parliament, Gani for his own criminal conduct in the "black eye" investigation, his failure in ensuring any prosecution for many cases of serious corruption, in particular in relation to the corruption and other crimes exposed through the V.K. Lingam video clip saga; and Musa Hassan in relation to credible allegations of his own criminal conduct and corrupt links with leaders of underworld gangs such as B.K. Tan and Goh Cheng Poh.
Anwar's public criticism of the current Prime Minister's suspected involvement in corruption in the government purchase of Sukhoi jets and Scorpene submarines is a matter of record.
Anwar has also repeatedly called for Najib to allow for an impartial investigation to clear his name of credible allegations of his and his wife Rosmah's link to the infamous murder of the Mongolian model Altantuya Shaaribuu, who private investigator P. Balasubramanim said had an affair with Najib and was connected to the same arms deals.
In July 2008 and February last year, Anwar filed police reports against both Gani and Musa for their roles in the fabrication of evidence against him in the "black-eye" investigation in 1998 and also for abetting in the filing of a false police report on the night of 20th September 1998 in relation to his arrest at his home in Bukit Damansara.
None of these reports has resulted in any prosecution although one former Federal Court judge held the view that Gani did commit criminal wrongdoing in the "black-eye" investigation.
The manipulation of state agencies such as the police, the Attorney-General's Chambers and other state agencies and the judiciary, as happened in 1998, are happening again in the current case.
What is at stake here is not a simple criminal case. What is really at stake here is the use of this framed-up case as a political weapon to stop the advance of Anwar and the political movement that he leads, which threatens the very existence and future of the current Barisan Nasional government and its key leaders.
Courtesy of Free Malaysian Today
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